Slouching Towards Miers
By ROBERT H. BORK
October 19, 2005; Page A12

With a single stroke -- the nomination of Harriet Miers -- the
president has damaged the prospects for reform of a left-leaning and
imperialistic Supreme Court, taken the heart out of a rising
generation of constitutional scholars, and widened the fissures within
the conservative movement. That's not a bad day's work -- for
liberals.

There is, to say the least, a heavy presumption that Ms. Miers, though
undoubtedly possessed of many sterling qualities, is not qualified to
be on the Supreme Court. It is not just that she has no known
experience with constitutional law and no known opinions on judicial
philosophy. It is worse than that. As president of the Texas Bar
Association, she wrote columns for the association's journal. David
Brooks of the New York Times examined those columns. He reports, with
supporting examples, that the quality of her thought and writing
demonstrates absolutely no "ability to write clearly and argue
incisively."

The administration's defense of the nomination is pathetic: Ms. Miers
was a bar association president (a nonqualification for anyone
familiar with the bureaucratic service that leads to such
presidencies); she shares Mr. Bush's judicial philosophy (which seems
to consist of bromides about "strict construction" and the like); and
she is, as an evangelical Christian, deeply religious. That last,
along with her contributions to pro-life causes, is designed to
suggest that she does not like Roe v. Wade, though it certainly does
not necessarily mean that she would vote to overturn that
constitutional travesty.

There is a great deal more to constitutional law than hostility to
Roe. Ms. Miers is reported to have endorsed affirmative action. That
position, or its opposite, can be reconciled with Christian belief.
Issues we cannot now identify or even imagine will come before the
court in the next 20 years. Reliance upon religious faith tells us
nothing about how a Justice Miers would rule. Only a commitment to
originalism provides a solid foundation for constitutional
adjudication. There is no sign that she has thought about, much less
adopted, that philosophy of judging.

Some moderate (i.e., lukewarm) conservatives admonish the rest of us
to hold our fire until Ms. Miers's performance at her hearing tells us
more about her outlook on law, but any significant revelations are
highly unlikely. She cannot be expected to endorse originalism; that
would alienate the bloc of senators who think constitutional
philosophy is about arriving at pleasing political results. What,
then, can she say? Probably that she cannot discuss any issue likely
to come before the court. Given the adventurousness of this court,
that's just about every issue imaginable. What we can expect in all
probability is platitudes about not "legislating from the bench." The
Senate is asked, then, to confirm a nominee with no visible judicial
philosophy who lacks the basic skills of persuasive argument and clear
writing.

But that is only part of the damage Mr. Bush has done. For the past 20
years conservatives have been articulating the philosophy of
originalism, the only approach that can make judicial review
democratically legitimate. Originalism simply means that the judge
must discern from the relevant materials -- debates at the
Constitutional Convention, the Federalist Papers and Anti-Federalist
Papers, newspaper accounts of the time, debates in the state ratifying
conventions, and the like -- the principles the ratifiers understood
themselves to be enacting. The remainder of the task is to apply those
principles to unforeseen circumstances, a task that law performs all
the time. Any philosophy that does not confine judges to the original
understanding inevitably makes the Constitution the plaything of
willful judges.

By passing over the many clearly qualified persons, male and female,
to pick a stealth candidate, George W. Bush has sent a message to
aspiring young originalists that it is better not to say anything
remotely controversial, a sort of "Don't ask, don't tell" admonition
to would-be judges. It is a blow in particular to the Federalist
Society, most of whose members endorse originalism. The society,
unlike the ACLU, takes no public positions, engages in no litigation,
and includes people of differing views in its programs. It performs
the invaluable function of making law students, in the heavily
left-leaning schools, aware that there are respectable perspectives on
law other than liberal activism. Yet the society has been defamed in
McCarthyite fashion by liberals; and it appears to have been important
to the White House that neither the new chief justice nor Ms. Miers
had much to do with the Federalists.

Finally, this nomination has split the fragile conservative coalition
on social issues into those appalled by the administration's cynicism
and those still anxious, for a variety of reasons, to support or at
least placate the president. Anger is growing between the two groups.
The supporters should rethink. The wars in Afghanistan and Iraq aside,
George W. Bush has not governed as a conservative (amnesty for illegal
immigrants, reckless spending that will ultimately undo his tax cuts,
signing a campaign finance bill even while maintaining its
unconstitutionality). This George Bush, like his father, is showing
himself to be indifferent, if not actively hostile, to conservative
values. He appears embittered by conservative opposition to his
nomination, which raises the possibility that if Ms. Miers is not
confirmed, the next nominee will be even less acceptable to those
asking for a restrained court. That, ironically, is the best argument
for her confirmation. But it is not good enough.

It is said that at La Scala an exhausted tenor, after responding to
repeated cries of "Encore," said he could not go on. A man rose in the
audience to say, "You'll keep singing until you get it right." That
man should be our model.

----------------------------------
Mr. Bork is a fellow of the Hudson Institute and editor of "A Country
I Do Not Recognize: The Legal Assault on American Values" (Hoover,
2005). He is co-chairman of the Federalist Society.

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