Trouble on Welfare Island
May 25th 2006 | AGUADILLA AND SAN JUAN
>From The Economist print edition
Abridged by Gruss

Puerto Rico has been a United States territory for more than a
century, and its people have been citizens since 1917. The island is
distinguished by its poverty and joblessness, which are far worse than
in any of the 50 states. The territory's economy, moreover, has fallen
further behind the national one over the past three decades. Bad
government—not just locally, but also federally—is largely to blame.

Half the working-age men in Puerto Rico do not work.  Puerto Rico's
annual income per person was around $12,000 in 2004, less than half
that of Mississippi, the poorest state. More than 48% of the island's
people live below the federally defined poverty line. That poverty
rate is nearly four times the national average, and more than twice as
high as in poor states such as Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi and
West Virginia.

Puerto Rico ought to be doing much better, because being part of the
United States gives it many advantages over other low-income
economies. Most important may be America's legal system. These
guarantees tend to attract outside capital, spur local investment and
let commerce and innovation flourish

The island can also trade freely with the giant mainland economy. And
its workers can migrate to and from the 50 states at will, gaining
skills, creating business connections and making money.

In some ways, generous United States taxpayers have also been useful.
To help the territory catch up, they have paid for infrastructure and
a huge leap in education levels. The average length of schooling in
Puerto Rico rose from 3.7 years in 1950 to 11 years in 2000.

With these advantages, Puerto Rico grew impressively in the decades
after the second world war, even outperforming Asian "tigers" such as
South Korea, Taiwan and Singapore (which has roughly Puerto Rico's
population). Since the 1970s, however, Puerto Rico has been outpaced
badly by the Asian tigers and Ireland, another place to which it is
often compared. It has also diverged from the United States, losing
ground even to lowly Mississippi.

Many things have gone wrong. Most important, however, is that the
United States government assumed too big a role in the Puerto Rican
economy, and its largesse enabled the commonwealth's government to do
the same. Two federal intrusions stand out: an oversized welfare
state, and misguided rules on business investment.

Federal transfer payments to Puerto Rico rose sharply in the 1970s.
Some programmes have been modified since then, but transfers still
make up more than 20% of the island's personal income. These federal
handouts reflect the sensibilities of a wealthy country. So by Puerto
Rican economic standards, they are huge. And the more a man or woman
earns through paid work, the more they decrease.

Puerto Ricans are eligible for federal disability payments, for
example, through Social Security and federal disability allowances are
much higher than the United States average as a share of wages and
pension income.  Unsurprisingly, therefore, one in six working-age men
in Puerto Rico are claiming disability benefits.

Many families do not view the federal handouts as temporary. Neither
does Raúl Vega, who owns a consumer-finance outfit in Aguadilla. His
firm treats the benefits as income when deciding whether to lend
people money for new televisions.

As Aguadilla's Mayor walked through town hall recently, he boasted
about each employee's university or graduate-school credentials as he
introduced them. The trouble, he says, is that "All they want to do is
find security only. They have no ambition...Everybody wants to work
for the government."

Manuel Reyes, of the Puerto Rico Manufacturers Association, also sees
little hope that the government's role will shrink. "There is no light
at the end of the tunnel," he says, "because we are still in denial."

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