Here for instance, is this ok? This is in today's paper. This guy apparently 
broke an immigration law and was sentenced to 175 days in custody. Fair nuff. 
But that was five years ago, and they still haven't gotten around to releasing 
him. He is still in jail for no apparent reason, is that alright with you?

Unbelievable.

1 Man Still Locked Up From 9/11 Sweeps   
 
By MARTHA MENDOZA | Associated Press 
October 16, 2006 

In a jail cell at an immigration detention center in Arizona sits a man who is 
not charged with a crime, not suspected of a crime, not considered a danger to 
society. 

But he has been in custody for five years. 

His name is Ali Partovi. And according to the Department of Homeland Security, 
he is the last to be held of about 1,200 Arab and Muslim men swept up by 
authorities in the United States after the Sept. 11, 2001, terror attacks. 

There has been no full accounting of all of these individuals. Nor has a 
promised federal policy to protect against unrestricted sweeps been produced. 

Human rights groups tried to track the detainees; members of Congress denounced 
the arrests. They all believed that all of those who had been arrested had been 
deported, released or processed through the criminal justice system. 

Just this summer, it was reported that an Algerian man, Benemar "Ben" Benatta, 
was the last detainee, and that his transfer to Canada had closed the book on 
the post-9/11 sweeps. 
 
But now The Associated Press has learned that at least one person - Partovi - 
is still being held. The Department of Homeland Security insists he really is 
the last one in custody. 

"Certainly it's not our goal as an agency to keep anyone detained 
indefinitely," said DHS spokesman Dean Boyd. Boyd said the department would 
like to remove Partovi from the United States but that he refuses to return to 
his homeland of Iran. 

And so he remains, a curious remnant of a desperate time. 

--- 

Within hours of the Sept. 11 attacks - before it was even clear if they were 
over - the FBI was ordered to identify the terrorists who had managed to slip 
so smoothly into American society and to catch anyone who might have been 
working with them. The FBI operation was called PENTTBOM; it was swift and 
fierce, and the stakes couldn't have been higher. 

When in doubt, the orders came, arrest now and ask questions later. To make 
this easier, law enforcement officials were authorized to use immigration 
charges as needed. The risk of allowing terrorists to slip away just because 
there wasn't ample evidence to hold them on terror charges could not be 
tolerated. And thus hundreds of individuals who were not terrorists, nor 
associated with terrorists, were temporarily taken into city, county and 
federal custody. 

They were caught in their bedrooms while they slept, pulled from the restaurant 
kitchens where they worked, stopped at the border, even federal offices where 
they had gone to seek help. In the end, then-Attorney General John Ashcroft's 
call for "aggressive detentions" in the unprecedented sweeps netted more than 
1,200 individuals in less than two months. 

The initial reaction to the sweeps was confusion. Members of Congress, leading 
civil rights organizations, Arab and Muslim activists, even the Justice 
Department's internal watchdogs, didn't know how to react. 

"After 9/11, everyone was caught off guard. There was so much secrecy 
surrounding the government's policies that it took a number of months before 
the public and civil-liberties groups began unraveling what the government was 
doing," said Lee Gelernt, an American Civil Liberties Union attorney. 

Then came demands, from Congress, from the Justice Department's Inspector 
General, from the ACLU and Human Rights Watch and from Arab and Muslim 
activists, that these individuals must be accounted for. 

To date that hasn't occurred. 

"The fact is the United States has not come forward with information on what 
happened to these people, or released their names," said Rachel Meeropol, a 
staff attorney at the Center for Constitutional Rights, an advocacy 
organization that represents several detainees being held in Guantanamo. "Our 
understanding is that the majority of these people who were swept up on 
immigration violations were then held in detention until they were cleared of 
any connection to terrorism. We believe that accounts for the vast majority of 
people who were swept up." 

Here's what is known: 762 of the 1,200 PENTTBOM arrestees were charged with 
immigration violations at the behest of the FBI because agents thought they 
might be associated with terrorism. Partovi was one of these 762. Much as 
Partovi used a false passport, nearly all of these detainees had violated 
immigration laws, either by overstaying their visas, entering the country 
illegally, or violating some other immigration law. 

Unlike Partovi, almost everyone was either deported or released within a few 
months. 

There were still at least 438 other individuals who were not accounted for. 
Most of those individuals, said Justice Department officials, were released 
within days. But at least 93 were charged with federal crimes and processed 
through the courts, and an unknown number were deemed material witnesses. 

As the years passed, said the ACLU's Gelernt, public concern faded. 

"Initially there was a lot of attention on the 1,200 people, but we're still 
not sure exactly what happened to all of them," said the ACLU's Gelernt. 

The repercussions are still being felt, say advocates. 

"Those 1,200 were taken in on pseudo-immigration charges," said Jennifer Daskal 
of Human Rights Watch. "It really is a black mark on the U.S. and it undermines 
our intelligence gathering because it creates distrust between law enforcement 
officials and communities where those officials should be building rapport and 
trust." 

"People lost years of their lives and families were ripped apart in the frenzy 
of fear," said Kerri Sherlock, director of policy and planning at the Rights 
Working Group, an advocacy organization in Washington D.C. "Do we really want 
to be a country that locks people up without guaranteeing their basic 
constitutional rights?" 

--- 

In June 2003, the Justice Department's inspector general, an in-house auditor, 
found widespread abuses in the way immigration laws were used to hold people 
suspected of terrorism in the months following 9/11. The inspector general made 
21 recommendations aimed at protecting individuals' civil rights. Twenty of 
those recommendations have been adopted. 

The last recommendation calls for the Justice Department and the Department of 
Homeland Security to formalize policies, responsibilities, and procedures for 
managing a national emergency that involves alien detainees. After the 
inspector general's report, the Justice and Homeland Security departments 
agreed with the recommendation and began negotiating over language. Officials 
at both departments say those negotiations are still going on. 

"The Department of Homeland Security and the Department of Justice continue to 
work toward the development of formal joint policies and approaches for the 
handling of such national security cases during periods of national impact," 
said Homeland Security Department spokesman Dean Boyd. 

However, Boyd stressed that guidelines were set up in 2004 to make sure 
detainees' rights are being protected on a case-by-case basis. 

"We learned from the past," he said. "We evaluate each situation to make sure 
it's being handled fairly." 

Tim Lynch, a lawyer with the libertarian think tank Cato Institute, said 
guidelines are not enough. 

"I don't think the guidelines will mean very much in an emergency if they don't 
have the binding force of law," he said. "We shouldn't be surprised if those 
guidelines aren't followed if there's another massive attack." 

--- 

When the AP wrote Ali Partovi to ask for an interview, he called collect from 
the Florence Correctional Center, a privately run detention center in Arizona 
where he is held. Adamantly, he said he did not want to be interviewed and that 
he wanted to remain private, even though he said understood his case files, 
including litigation he files himself, are part of the public record. 

He later reportedly told a public affairs officer at the facility that he is 
too busy for an interview - perhaps preparing his many legal appeals. 

In his lawsuits - there have been seven so far - Partovi claims he is a victim 
of civil rights abuses and demands between $5 million and $10 million in 
restitution. The most recent was filed in July. 

The staff at the jail where he was first held "poured hot coffee on my body, 
they also poured cold ice water on my body," he wrote in one, claiming that 
staffers also cuffed his hands and feet, which caused "my ankle and lower 
extremities to swell abnormally." 

"It is my firm belief that I am constantly subjected to physical abuse 
(because) of my ethnicity, I am Iranian of Persian birth," he wrote in another, 
filed this summer. In that lawsuit he claimed that immigration officers forced 
him to kneel while handcuffed, and then kicked and punched his stomach and 
kidneys. 

"As you can imagine, this is very, very painful when you are cuffed from 
behind," he wrote. 

A spokesman for the U.S. Attorney said that office was aware of the lawsuits 
but could not comment on them. A detention center spokesman said he was not 
aware of any lawsuits and could not respond. 

Partovi doesn't have a lawyer, and he told the AP he doesn't want one, choosing 
instead to represent himself, gleaning expertise from the prison library. 

He did have a lawyer once, when he was arrested in Guam in the fall of 2001, 
trying to enter the country on a fraudulent Italian passport. 

"Mr. Partovi came into Guam International Airport using a false passport. He 
explained about having been married to a Japanese women and the arrangement 
wasn't working out. He applied for political asylum, and I believe the federal 
government thought he might be a terror suspect," said Curtis Charles Van de 
Veld, who was hired by the federal government to represent him. 

Partovi was sentenced to 175 days in custody, which he had already served by 
the time he pleaded guilty in 2002. Then he was turned over to the Department 
of Homeland Security. 

Until the AP contacted him, Van de Veld didn't realize his former client was 
still in custody. 

"I'm surprised he hasn't contacted me," he said.  

http://www.freenewmexican.com/news/50726.html

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