Why Key Executives Are Warming To Legislation on Climate Change
February 7, 2007; Page A10
WALL STREET JOURNAL

In Washington, business opposition to global-warming legislation is
melting faster than the polar ice caps.

That's not because of new science: There's been little of that in the
past few years. Friday's update from the Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change was mostly a yawn, rehashing with greater certitude
previous findings that human activity is leading to slow warming of
the planet.
WSJ's Business columnist Alan Murray talks about why three top
business executives have been pushing corporate America to understand
the need for global-warming legislation.

Ever since seeing Al Gore's movie, I've been eyeing beachfront
property and wondering what a 40-foot rise in sea levels would do to
it. But the United Nations-backed study predicts sea levels will rise
only a couple feet over the next hundred years -- posing a threat to a
few houses in Malibu, California, but not to most of us.

Instead, the changed business climate on climate change reflects an
unusual convergence of personal, practical and political
considerations. These have come together with hurricane force in the
first few months of 2007.

On the personal front, three business leaders have played an
extraordinary role in pushing this issue: General Electric's Jeffrey
Immelt, DuPont's Chad Holliday, and Duke Energy's Jim Rogers. The
three men were driving forces behind the group of 10 CEOs who called
on President Bush last month to cap greenhouse-gas emissions. And
their influence reaches far beyond that breakthrough cabal.

Messrs. Immelt and Holliday have played important roles in leading the
Business Roundtable, which lobbies on behalf of the largest U.S.
corporations, to accept the need for global-warming legislation. Mr.
Rogers is chairman of the Edison Electric Institute, the U.S. trade
group for investor-owned utilities, and is nudging that group along as
well.

As a practical matter, Messrs. Immelt, Holliday and Rogers argue that
limits on carbon-dioxide emissions are now inevitable. Indeed, they
are already in place in Europe and coming soon to California and the
Northeast. Better to get the federal government on board, they argue,
so businesses can plan for the future. That's an especially potent
argument for utilities, which have to make investment decisions today
about serving customers 30 to 50 years down the road.

Then, there's the political. The 2006 election was a wake-up call for
business leaders, reminding them they won't always have a
business-friendly government to protect them on this issue. "The
probability is almost 100% that the candidates for president from both
parties will be calling for some sort of regulation of CO2 in the next
election," says Mr. Rogers. Business leaders who sign on early will
likely have more influence in crafting the all-important details of
any legislation, which could determine who wins and who loses. "A seat
at the table would help," says Caterpillar CEO Jim Owens.

In addition, CEOs are finding that a green hue helps keep them in good
stead with employees, some activist investors and an environmentally
conscious public. At a time when CEOs rank low in the public's esteem,
many are happy for a chance to burnish their public profile.

The about-face by American business on this issue has sparked a sudden
excess of enthusiasm. At last week's World Economic Forum in Davos,
Switzerland, global warming was the subject of 17 separate panel
discussions -- overshadowing discussions of terrorism, disaffection in
the Islamic world and collapsing global trade talks. In Washington,
global warming has been pushed to the front burner, with more
congressional hearings scheduled for next week, bypassing critical
national issues like health care and education.

Conventional wisdom holds that long-term problems, like global
warming, always get crowded off the agenda by more pressing short-term
ones. Today, that wisdom has been turned on its head.

If Congress seriously wants to enact legislation capping
carbon-dioxide emissions, this is the time to act. The coal industry,
the oil industry and a few others may drag their feet, but most of the
business community will go along -- provided it's a market-based "cap
and trade" solution that leaves business free to find the most
efficient ways to reduce emissions. And while President Bush won't be
at the forefront, he is unlikely to block legislation that has
substantial business support.

The problem is that it isn't clear Democratic leaders really want to
act. Their eyes are fixed on the 2008 election, when they hope global
warming will be a potent political issue. They are reluctant to pass
any legislation that the president will sign. Instead, some Democrats
apparently think they'd do better politically if they forced a veto.

So the tables have turned. After years of resisting action, much of
the U.S. business community wants legislation to cap carbon-dioxide
emissions. And after years of calling for action, some Democratic
leaders are now dragging their feet. That means the Earth probably
will have to get a bit hotter and the oceans a bit higher before
Washington finally joins the global-warming parade.

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