I am not sure what I think of events in Egypt. When the military takes
over from an elected government that's a bad precedent. The ppear to
the moment to have the best of intentions however....and when half the
country is demanding the government's ouster, hmm. If they want a vote
of no confidence maybe they should be a parliamentary democracy.

On Wed, Jul 3, 2013 at 7:13 PM, Bruce Sorge <[email protected]> wrote:
>
> Here is the article in its entirety:
>
> The courts dissolved one house of parliament and rejected the electoral
> law, requiring postponement of reconstituting it. The president rushed
> through a draft constitution over liberal objections. Sixteen million
> Egyptians have participated in protests against their government. Police
> announced their unwillingness to protect government and Muslim Brotherhood
> locations. Military leaders put in place by President Mohamed Morsy gave
> him an ultimatum to accede to protesters’ demands and have begun taking
> control of the media, ostensibly on behalf of “the people.” Egyptians fear
> democracy so recently won is slipping from their grasp, and they are right.
>
> But -- especially on the holiday commemorating their own freedoms --
> Americans should not cheer the military’s return to power in Egypt. Fouad
> Ajami, a senior fellow at Stanford University's Hoover Institution, has
> judiciously pointed out
> parallels<http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424127887323297504578581321420344866.html?mod=hp_opinion>
> between
> the 1952 coup that brought Gamal Abdel Nasser to power and the expedient
> support Egyptian liberals are now giving military intervention. The
> Egyptian military is not a neutral arbiter; it spent four decades
> repressing the Muslim Brotherhood. This is a sad assertion of unelected
> power in a society struggling to establish the rules, institutions, and
> practices of democracy.
>
> Morsy is not wrong to insist that he was legitimately elected and that his
> opponents are seeking to achieve by mob rule what they did not win at the
> ballot box. That many of Morsy’s problems are of his own making and that he
> has governed badly do not refute his claims. He did not control the courts
> disbanding the lower house of parliament; his urgency to redraft the
> constitution is understandable given its importance for bringing forward
> elections. He submitted the draft constitution to a public referendum, and
> it passed. He is working in an environment in which the “deep state” is
> threatened by both transparency and the rule of law. He has not had an
> organized opposition or a definable leader to work with. He was not his
> party’s actual candidate for president (recall he was dubbed the “spare
> tire,” when the electoral commission disqualified 10 candidates), so he may
> have difficulty keeping loyalty in his own ranks. That he hasn’t been brave
> enough to tackle Egypt’s economic crisis without a legislature to share the
> blame does not make him unique in the annals of governance.
>
> A recent, extensive Zogby poll in Egypt concluded that:
>
>    - The two main Islamist parties (the Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and
>    Justice Party and the Nour Party) appear to have the confidence of just
>    under 30 percent of Egyptian adults.
>    -
>    - The major opposition groups (the National Salvation Front and the
>    April 6th Youth Movement) combined have a somewhat larger support base,
>    claiming the confidence of almost 35 percent of the adult population, while
>    the remaining almost 40 percent of the population appears to have no
>    confidence in either the government or any of the political parties. They
>    are a “disaffected plurality."
>
> This is not a country coming together. Egypt is a deeply divided society
> with low levels of social trust (as is common for countries emerging from
> authoritarianism).
>
> An elected president is now being forced by unelected military leaders to
> schedule early elections -- not to create a parliament, but to bring in a
> different president. The military’s plan is reportedly to dismiss the
> Egyptian Constitution, dismiss the parliament, force the president from
> office, and appoint the chief justice interim head of state. Mohamed
> ElBaradei, the anointed liberal leader, pulled out of the 2012 presidential
> election after failing to get traction. The military’s intervention has
> established it as the rule-setter despite the fact that it did little to
> set meaningful and politically salient rules when it held power a mere 13
> months ago.
>
> U.S. President Barack Obama’s administration has achieved the hat trick of
> alienating all factions in Egypt. It neither defended nor pushed out Hosni
> Mubarak, thereby earning the embitterment of both the “deep state” that had
> been America’s ally for 30 years and liberals who agitated against it; gave
> the military a pass during the 18 months of its “caretaking” when policy
> choices and governance rules might have been established; waived
> congressional concerns limiting U.S. foreign aid; gave the elected
> government too little support to have influence; was largely silent during
> a crackdown on nongovernmental groups; and now condescendingly suggests
> Egyptians would do better to politically organize than protest.
>
> That the Obama administration has managed to minimize U.S. influence at a
> crucial time in Egypt’s democratic transition is, sadly, predictable. What
> should have been done to help Egypt avoid this precipice?
>
> *1. Realize these guys are amateurs.* There is a tendency now to see the
> past two years as an inevitable descent into authoritarianism, the carrying
> out of a plan by the Muslim Brotherhood to ensure “one man, one vote, one
> time.” And that may be true. The Brotherhood did double back on numerous
> promises to share power, including not to run a candidate for the
> presidency, given its dominance of the legislature. Its prospects are
> doubtful of retaining power at the ballot box; there has been a precipitous
> drop in Brotherhood popularity during its governance. But it’s also at
> least as likely that the Brotherhood is lurching from crisis to crisis
> without the experience or knowledge to make better choices. Societies
> emerging from authoritarianism tend not to have a surfeit of capable
> political leaders, and they have no experience building national political
> consensus. The United States should be helping a broad swath of potential
> leaders build the skills to govern. Egypt hasn’t made that easy with the
> crackdown on NGOs, but that’s all the more reason to have a loud, public
> defense of civil society and the building blocks of free societies.
>
> *2. Help the government end subsidies.* Egypt’s crisis is at least as much
> an economic as a political one. The Egyptian government has been teetering
> on the brink of default, unable to qualify for IMF support because of the
> extensive government subsidies put in place 60 years ago and that the Morsy
> government hasn’t been brave enough to curtail. Qatar and Libya are all
> that stands between Egyptian reserves and inability to pay the bills.
> Government debt has grown by 25 percent in two years. The stock market is
> down 14 percent on the year, sure to fall further. Fifty percent of
> Egyptians live on less than $2 a day. Tourism has fallen off precipitously,
> and Morsy’s decision to appoint as governor in Luxor someone involved in
> the 1997 killing of tourists there will further worry potential travelers.
> The IMF (rightly) insists on an austerity program of higher taxes and
> reduced government subsidies, which the Morsy government hasn’t enacted.
> Morsy is right to fear public outrage, but wrong not to use his political
> pulpit to build public understanding and support for sensible economic
> policies -- which hardly makes them unique among even comfortably
> established democracies.
>
> The United States provides $1.3 billion in military aid and $250 million in
> economic assistance. Reversing that ratio would send a powerful signal to
> the people of Egypt about U.S. interest in their success. Even more
> importantly, the U.S. government should be helping Egyptians understand the
> need for reduced subsidies, the importance of the government freeing up
> business, and the essential contribution that transparency and the rule of
> law can make. Needless to say, the United States is hardly in a strong
> position to do so, given its own debt and recent trend toward crony
> capitalism. Still, America should evangelize the value of vibrant economies
> and build a foreign assistance program that matches its success with the
> projects it supports. The United States could help provide the political
> cover for Egypt’s government to take unpopular decisions, but it has not.
>
> *3. Emphasize checks and balances.* A crucial element of free societies is
> competing power centers that limit the reach of the executive -- and
> everyone else. Where was the U.S. government when Morsy moved against the
> courts? As in Pakistan, the United States makes excuses for “stability”
> that it would never tolerate in its own society. America needs to get into
> the business of advocating vibrant, peaceful contestation among parts of
> society, for that is the basis of building the civic virtue of political
> tolerance and limited government.
>
> *4. Tie aid.* Obama piously claims his administration takes respect for
> democracy and the rule of law into account in making decisions about U.S.
> aid to Egypt. As journalist Eli Lake has pointed out, this is laughably
> false<http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2013/07/02/obama-offers-a-revisionist-history-of-his-administration-s-approach-to-egypt.html>.
> Both Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and her successor, John Kerry,
> waived congressional restrictions designed to hold Egypt’s leaders
> accountable. The U.S. Congress has a much better record than the president
> at putting into place penalties for countries that don’t respect minority
> rights, religious freedom, democracy, and the rule of law. Rather than
> skirt them, the administration should be working with Congress to
> strengthen restrictions -- it can then have the pleasure of blaming
> Congress, a strategy that historically works to great success in trade
> talks.
>
> *5. Grow talent.* Part of the difficulty for societies transitioning to
> democracy is that politicians are thrust into responsibilities far greater
> than their experience may encompass. Even in repressive societies, there
> are leaders, whether they lead religious communities, businesses, dissident
> groups, or local governments. A major part of why the United States
> stations diplomats in foreign countries should be to identify people of
> promise who share America’s fundamental values and to provide opportunities
> for those people to learn, grow, and become prominent nationally in their
> respective countries. America is better at this than it realizes, but the
> country underinvests in this. And the United States should get busy helping
> Egypt develop leaders who can write laws, make political compromises, and
> work within the framework of institutions to strengthen a democratic Egypt.
>
> And on the day Americans celebrate their freedoms, let’s pay tribute to
> Robert Becker, the National Democratic Institute employee who stayed in
> Egypt to stand trial for advancing t
>
> 

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