I think Demi's riding it.....

-----Original Message-----
From: jon hall [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]
Sent: Friday, June 06, 2003 1:20 PM
To: CF-Community
Subject: Re: Stratfor: WMD in Iraq. The issues involved.


dude.........where's my wmd?

-- 
 jon
 mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]

Friday, June 6, 2003, 1:13:02 PM, you wrote:
JS> ...spark it up, dude....

JS> -----Original Message-----
JS> From: Heald, Tim [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]
JS> Sent: Friday, June 06, 2003 1:03 PM
JS> To: CF-Community
JS> Subject: RE: Stratfor: WMD in Iraq. The issues involved.


JS> Come one Dana.  There have been bunches of times where various people,
JS> yourself included, have tried to censor the list.  Usually you will use
the
JS> "offended" label so prevalent today, but your still attempting to stop a
JS> discussion.  He didn't even go that far.  Just made a comment.

JS> I think everyone needs to get laid, or have a drink or toke or whatever
your
JS> into.

JS> Tim 

>> -----Original Message-----
>> From: Dana Tierney [SMTP:[EMAIL PROTECTED]
>> Sent: Friday, June 06, 2003 11:41 AM
>> To:   CF-Community
>> Subject:      Re: Stratfor: WMD in Iraq. The issues involved.
>> 
>> John, why are you complaining about the WMD posts? I read them, so there.
>> Several other people seem interested in the topic. Do I tell you not to
>> post about the Dixie Chicks having a wet T-shirt contest? 
>> 
>> Dana
>> 
>> John Stanley writes:
>> 
>> > yet another exciting post on WMD's....
>> > 
>> > -----Original Message-----
>> > From: Angel Stewart [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]
>> > Sent: Friday, June 06, 2003 10:32 AM
>> > To: CF-Community
>> > Subject: Stratfor: WMD in Iraq. The issues involved.
>> > 
>> > 
>> > This is the most logical and well defined view on the situation that I
>> > have read so far.
>> > It explains why the war was never about WMD (which we all now know),
the
>> > result of the war is the United States is now the major power in the
>> > Middle East, and focussing on WMD instead of the true strategy of the
>> > Bush Administration in this war was a grave miscalculation:
>> > -----
>> > THE STRATFOR WEEKLY
>> > 5 June 2003
>> >  
>> > by Dr. George Friedman
>> >  
>> > WMD
>> > 
>> > Summary
>> > 
>> > The inability to discover weapons of mass destruction in Iraq has 
>> > created a political crisis in the United States and Britain. 
>> > Within the two governments, there are recriminations and brutal 
>> > political infighting over responsibility. Stratfor warned in 
>> > February that the unwillingness of the U.S. government to 
>> > articulate its real, strategic reasons for the war -- choosing 
>> > instead to lean on WMD as the justification -- would lead to a 
>> > deep crisis at some point. That moment seems to be here.
>> > 
>> > Analysis
>> > 
>> > "Weapons of mass destruction" is promising to live up to its 
>> > name: The issue may well result in the mass destruction of senior 
>> > British and American officials who used concerns about WMD in 
>> > Iraq as the primary, public justification for going to war. The 
>> > simple fact is that no one has found any weapons of mass 
>> > destruction in Iraq and -- except for some vans which may have 
>> > been used for biological weapons -- no evidence that Iraq was 
>> > working to develop such weapons. Since finding WMD is a priority 
>> > for U.S. military forces, which have occupied Iraq for more than 
>> > a month, the failure to find weapons of mass destruction not only 
>> > has become an embarrassment, it also has the potential to 
>> > mushroom into a major political crisis in the United States and 
>> > Britain. Not only is the political opposition exploiting the 
>> > paucity of Iraqi WMD, but the various bureaucracies are using the 
>> > issue to try to discredit each other. It's a mess.
>> > 
>> > On Jan. 21, 2003, Stratfor published an analysis titled Smoke and 
>> > Mirrors: The United States, Iraq and Deception, which made the 
>> > following points:
>> > 
>> > 1. The primary reason for the U.S. invasion of Iraq was strategic 
>> > and not about weapons of mass destruction.
>> > 
>> > 2. The United States was using the WMD argument primarily to 
>> > justify the attack to its coalition partners.
>> > 
>> > 3. The use of WMD rather than strategy as the justification for 
>> > the war would ultimately create massive confusion as to the 
>> > nature of the war the United States was fighting.
>> > 
>> > As we put it:
>> > 
>> > "To have allowed the WMD issue to supplant U.S. strategic 
>> > interests as the justification for war has created a crisis in 
>> > U.S. strategy. Deception campaigns are designed to protect 
>> > strategies, not to trap them. Ultimately, the foundation of U.S. 
>> > grand strategy, coalitions and the need for clarity in military 
>> > strategy have collided. The discovery of weapons of mass 
>> > destruction in Iraq will not solve the problem, nor will a coup 
>> > in Baghdad. In a war [against Islamic extremists] that will last 
>> > for years, maintaining one's conceptual footing is critical. If 
>> > that footing cannot be maintained -- if the requirements of the 
>> > war and the requirements of strategic clarity are incompatible -- 
>> > there are more serious issues involved than the future of Iraq."
>> > 
>> > The failure to enunciate the strategic reasons for the invasion 
>> > of Iraq--of cloaking it in an extraneous justification--has now 
>> > come home to roost. Having used WMD as the justification, the 
>> > inability to locate WMD in Iraq has undermined the credibility of 
>> > the United States and is tearing the government apart in an orgy 
>> > of finger-pointing. 
>> > 
>> > To make sense of this impending chaos, it is important to start 
>> > at the beginning -- with al Qaeda. After the Sept. 11 attacks, al 
>> > Qaeda was regarded as an extraordinarily competent global 
>> > organization. Sheer logic argued that the network would want to 
>> > top the Sept. 11 strikes with something even more impressive. 
>> > This led to a very reasonable fear that al Qaeda possessed or was 
>> > in the process of obtaining WMD.
>> > 
>> > U.S. intelligence, shifting from its sub-sensitive to hyper- sensitive
>> > mode, began putting together bits of intelligence that 
>> > tended to show that what appeared to be logical actually was 
>> > happening. The U.S. intelligence apparatus now was operating in a 
>> > worst-case scenario mode, as is reasonable when dealing with WMD. 
>> > Lower-grade intelligence was regarded as significant. Two things 
>> > resulted: The map of who was developing weapons of mass 
>> > destruction expanded, as did the probabilities assigned to al 
>> > Qaeda's ability to obtain WMD. The very public outcome -- along 
>> > with a range of less public events -- was the "axis of evil" 
>> > State of the Union speech, which identified three countries as 
>> > having WMD and likely to give it to al Qaeda. Iraq was one of 
>> > these countries.
>> > 
>> > If we regard chemical weapons as WMD, as has been U.S. policy, 
>> > then it is well known that Iraq had WMD, since it used them in 
>> > the past. It was a core assumption, therefore, that Iraq 
>> > continued to possess WMD. Moreover, U.S. intelligence officials 
>> > believed there was a parallel program in biological weapons, and 
>> > also that Iraqi leaders had the ability and the intent to restart 
>> > their nuclear program, if they had not already done so. Running 
>> > on the worst-case basis that was now hard-wired by al Qaeda into 
>> > U.S. intelligence, Iraq was identified as a country with WMD and 
>> > likely to pass them on to al Qaeda.
>> > 
>> > Iraq, of course, was not the only country in this class. There 
>> > are other sources of WMD in the world, even beyond the "axis of 
>> > evil" countries. Simply invading Iraq would not solve the 
>> > fundamental problem of the threat from al Qaeda. As Stratfor has 
>> > always argued, the invasion of Iraq served a psychological and 
>> > strategic purpose: Psychologically, it was designed to 
>> > demonstrate to the Islamic world the enormous power and ferocity 
>> > of the United States; strategically, it was designed to position 
>> > the United States to coerce countries such as Saudi Arabia, Syria 
>> > and Iran into changing their policies toward suppressing al Qaeda 
>> > operations in their countries. Both of these missions were 
>> > achieved. 
>> > 
>> > WMD was always a side issue in terms of strategic planning. It 
>> > became, however, the publicly stated moral, legal and political 
>> > justification for the war. It was understood that countries like 
>> > France and Russia had no interest in collaborating with 
>> > Washington in a policy that would make the United States the 
>> > arbiter of the Middle East. Washington had to find a 
>> > justification for the war that these allies would find 
>> > irresistible.
>> > 
>> > That justification was that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction. 
>> > >From the standpoint of U.S. intelligence, this belief became a
>> > given. Everyone knew that Iraq once had chemical weapons, and no 
>> > reasonable person believed that Saddam Hussein had unilaterally 
>> > destroyed them. So it appeared to planners within the Bush 
>> > administration that they were on safe ground. Moreover, it was 
>> > assumed that other major powers would regard WMD in Hussein's 
>> > hands as unacceptable and that therefore, everyone would accept 
>> > the idea of a war in which the stated goal -- and the real 
>> > outcome -- would be the destruction of Iraq's weapons.
>> > 
>> > This was the point on which Washington miscalculated. The public 
>> > justification for the war did not compel France, Germany or 
>> > Russia to endorse military action. They continued to resist 
>> > because they fully understood the outcome -- intended or not -- 
>> > would be U.S. domination of the Middle East, and they did not 
>> > want to see that come about. Paris, Berlin and Moscow turned the 
>> > WMD issue on its head, arguing that if that was the real issue, 
>> > then inspections by the United Nations would be the way to solve 
>> > the problem. Interestingly, they never denied that Iraq had WMD; 
>> > what they did deny was that proof of WMD had been found. They 
>> > also argued that over time, as proof accumulated, the inspection 
>> > process would either force the Iraqis to destroy their WMD or 
>> > justify an invasion at that point. What is important here is that 
>> > French and Russian leaders shared with the United States the 
>> > conviction that Iraq had WMD. Like the Americans, they thought 
>> > weapons of mass destruction -- particularly if they were 
>> > primarily chemical -- was a side issue; the core issue was U.S. 
>> > power in the Middle East. 
>> > 
>> > In short, all sides were working from the same set of 
>> > assumptions. There was not much dispute that the Baathist regime 
>> > probably had WMD. The issue between the United States and its 
>> > allies was strategic. After the war, the United States would 
>> > become the dominant power in the region, and it would use this 
>> > power to force regional governments to strike at al Qaeda. 
>> > Germany, France and Russia, fearing the growth of U.S. power, 
>> > opposed the war. Rather than clarifying the chasm in the 
>> > alliance, the Bush administration permitted the arguments over 
>> > WMD to supplant a discussion of strategy and left the American 
>> > public believing the administration's public statements -- smoke 
>> > and mirrors -- rather than its private view.
>> > 
>> > The Bush administration -- and France, for that matter -- all 
>> > assumed that this problem would disappear when the U.S. military 
>> > got into Iraq. WMD would be discovered, the public justification 
>> > would be vindicated, the secret goal would be achieved and no one 
>> > would be the wiser. What they did not count on -- what is 
>> > difficult to believe even now -- is that Hussein actually might 
>> > not have WMD or, weirder still, that he hid them or destroyed 
>> > them so efficiently that no one could find them. That was the 
>> > kicker the Bush administration never counted on.
>> > 
>> > The matter of whether Hussein had WMD is still open. Answers 
>> > could range to the extremes: He had no WMD or he still has WMD, 
>> > being held in reserve for his guerrilla war. But the point here 
>> > is that the WMD question was not the reason the United States 
>> > went to war. The war was waged in order to obtain a strategic 
>> > base from which to coerce countries such as Syria, Iran and Saudi 
>> > Arabia into using their resources to destroy al Qaeda within 
>> > their borders. From that standpoint, the strategy seems to be 
>> > working.
>> > 
>> > However, by using WMD as the justification for war, the United 
>> > States walked into a trap. The question of the location of WMD is 
>> > important. The question of whether it was the CIA or Defense 
>> > Department that skewed its reports about the location of Iraq's 
>> > WMD is also important. But these questions are ultimately trivial 
>> > compared to the use of smoke and mirrors to justify a war in 
>> > which Iraq was simply a single campaign. Ultimately, the problem 
>> > is that it created a situation in which the American public had 
>> > one perception of the reason for the war while the war's planners 
>> > had another. In a democratic society engaged in a war that will 
>> > last for many years, this is a dangerous situation to have 
>> > created.
>> > ...................................................................
>> > 
>> > ------
>> > 
>> > -Gel
>> > 
>> > 
>> > 
>> > 
>> > 
>> 

JS> 

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