hayhayhayhayhayhayahyahayahayahayahayahayahayahayahayahayahayahayahay

macondianos: los senores del ELN y sus aliados ideologicos en europa y 
colombia, tiene verdaderamennete "huevo"..se la quieren ganar toda. La 
guerrilla declara objetivo militar la infraestructura petrolera, volando 
tubos (van mas de 500) y cuanto se le atraviese, hasta matar a 60 
inocentes campesinos, y ahora pega el grito en el cielo y dice que las 
compaNias petroleras hacen alianza con el ejercito para defenserse de la 
guerrilla. El ELN fue el primero en meter la politica petrolera en la 
guerra y ahora se quejan que la industria se ha metido en la guerra. Si 
ellos no realizaran este inutil y estupido terrorismo, nadie estaria 
vinculando a las compaNias con la guerra. Es increible como manipulan la 
informacion; parte de esa manipulacion es hecha por sindicalistas  y 
exguerrilleros de EPL "exiliados" en Europa, quienes gozan de pensiones 
del gobierno ingles y justifican su permanencia en Londres, armando esta 
clase de cuentos e historias. 


>>>                BP hands 'tarred in pipeline dirty war'
>>>                ---------------------------------------
>>>
>>>        By Michael Gillard, Ignacio Gomez and Melissa Jones
>>>
>>>
>>>The northern part of the Ocensa pipeline winds through Antioquia and 
the
>>>Magdelena Medio -- the areas most savaged by Colombia's 33-year armed
>>>conflict.
>>>
>>>Peasant farmers living near the pipeline are caught in the crossfire
>>>between the Colombian army, its feared paramilitary allies and 
leftwing
>>>guerrillas.
>>>
>>>In the past 10 years more than 30,000 unarmed civilians have been the
>>>victims of politically motivated killings in Colombia. International 
human
>>>rights groups hold the state security forces and paramilitaries
>>>responsible for 70 per cent of these murders.
>>>
>>>Many of the tortured and decapitated bodies --community leaders, 
trade
>>>unionists, church workers, peasant farmers and human rights 
defenders--
>>>are buried in the land around the pipeline.
>>>
>>>Their families will never see those responsible prosecuted, because 
the
>>>Colombian security forces implicated in this dirty war escape with 
almost
>>>total impunity.
>>>
>>>BP is a major shareholder in the Ocensa consortium, along with the
>>>Canadian firms TransCanada and IPL Enterprises and the French oil 
company
>>>Total.
>>>
>>>Ocensa recently completed the 520 mile pipeline, which transports
>>>high-quality crude from BP's huge oilfield in the eastern foothills 
of the
>>>Andes to tankers off the Caribbean coast.
>>>
>>>The pipeline, which is a military target for the guerrillas, has two 
lines
>>>of defence.
>>>
>>>First is an internal security department created and run by a 
secretive
>>>Anglo-American company, Defence Systems Limited, which is based in 
London.
>>>DSL and its former SAS soldiers were initially brought to Colombia by 
BP
>>>to protect its pounds 25 billion oilfields.
>>>
>>>Second is a secret agreement with the Colombian defence ministry to
>>>provide protection by counter-guerrilla brigades based near the 
pipeline.
>>>
>>>Ocensa's defence needs are worth millions to the private security 
industry
>>>and the Colombian military. BP is also the country's biggest 
investor.
>>>
>>>With this in mind the Israeli security company Silver Shadow 
approached
>>>Ocensa's security department in the summer of 1996. In July it sent a
>>>two-page fax to Ocensa's security manager, Roger Brown, detailing 
what it
>>>called "The Turn Key Project".
>>>
>>>The proposals for protecting the northern section of the pipeline 
included
>>>armoured attack helicopters, the "direct supply of anti-guerrilla 
special
>>>weaponry and ammo", night-vision goggles, small robotic spy planes
>>>(drones) and secure communications equipment.
>>>
>>>Mr Brown is a former British army officer and veteran of the Oman 
war. In
>>>civvy street he joined DSL and in 1992 was sent to Colombia to run
>>>security for BP's oilfields. Three years later he was transferred to 
set
>>>up and run Ocensa's pipeline security department. The two security
>>>operations work closely together and handle security matters for the
>>>consortium.
>>>
>>>The Guardian has obtained copies of the correspondence between Silver
>>>Shadow and Ocensa, including other documents related to the arms 
deal.
>>>
>>>The Silver Shadow papers reveal that Mr Brown said he had received 
"verbal
>>>agreement" from Ocensa's management to study pipeline protection 
plans,
>>>including the Turn Key Project.
>>>
>>>Ocensa transferred an advance payment of $ 202,000 ( pounds 126,000) 
to
>>>Silver Shadow's Tel Aviv account.
>>>
>>>And in May last year, when the US export licence was approved, 60 
pairs of
>>>restricted night-vision goggles were sent directly to the notorious 
14th
>>>Brigade, which operates in Segovia, through which the pipeline 
passes.
>>>
>>>This brigade has one of the worst human rights records in Colombia's 
dirty
>>>war. Lawyers have proved the involvement of a brigade commander and
>>>officers in one of Colombia's worst massacres in Segovia in 1988 when 
more
>>>than 90 men, women and children were attacked and 43 of them killed.
>>>
>>>In 1996, while Ocensa and Silver Shadow were discussing arming the 
brigade
>>>with attack helicopters and guns, the brigade was once again under
>>>investigation for its role in the execution of 14 civilians in 
Segovia
>>>that April. The incidents were unconnected with oilfield protection.
>>>
>>>Numbed by the latest massacre, officials of the government ombudsman 
wrote
>>>to Ocensa in November 1996 to express concern at the social and
>>>environmental impact of its operation on the community in the region.
>>>
>>>"The people asked us if the 14th Brigade has the right to kill you 
when
>>>you are detained. They feel very unprotected," said Beatriz Londono, 
who
>>>visited Segovia for the ombudsman's office.
>>>
>>>She added: "We are very worried about the large number of police and 
army
>>>protecting the pipeline. The unequal investment (by oil companies) in
>>>security over community projects generates more conflict."
>>>
>>>Ocensa refuses to comment on its relationship with the 14th Brigade 
and
>>>DSL. But BP's chief spin doctor, John O'Reilly, told the Guardian the 
sale
>>>of military equipment and the general relationship with the brigade 
were
>>>"unavoidable" under Ocensa's secret agreement with the defence 
ministry.
>>>
>>>Mr O'Reilly also denied that any attack helicopters were bought for 
the
>>>army, but justified Ocensa's involvement by citing the "terrible 
security
>>>situation at the time" caused by guerrilla attacks on the pipeline.
>>>
>>>But it was not the only target. So too were communities living near 
it.
>>>Amnesty International points out that the Turn Key Project was 
negotiated
>>>when paramilitary death squads, with 14th Brigade support, had 
intensified
>>>political cleansing operations against government critics and 
perceived
>>>subversives in the region. More than 140 people were killed last year
>>>alone.
>>>
>>>An Amnesty researcher, Susan Lee, also questions another aspect of
>>>Ocensa's relationship with the brigade.
>>>
>>>"In the past this brigade brought in an Israeli security company to
>>>provide mercenary training for paramilitaries operating under its
>>>control," she said. "These death squads went on to commit widespread
>>>atrocities against the civilian population."
>>>
>>>Silver Shadow was not involved in that operation. Its director, Asaf
>>>Nadel, is a former Israeli army officer who once worked at the 
embassy in
>>>Colombia. The Turn Key Project was his first commercial venture 
there.
>>>
>>>Mr Nadel would not discuss the Ocensa deal, other than to say: "They 
got
>>>everything they paid for."
>>>
>>>The Silver Shadow papers also reveal a disturbing plan to give Ocensa 
and
>>>BP top management "a state-of-the-art investigation-intelligence and
>>>psychological warfare 18-day seminar". It would be tailored "to suit
>>>Ocensa/BP special requirements" along the pipeline.
>>>
>>>According to one confidential fax, Mr Brown and Silver Shadow 
discussed
>>>using former Israeli intelligence officers - "whose method are (sic) 
known
>>>worldwide" - to train Ocensa security staff in interrogation, 
intelligence
>>>collection, targeting and running informants in the field, 
preparation of
>>>intelligence files and investigating private individuals.
>>>
>>>The discussions took place between July 1996 and February last year 
and,
>>>according to Mr Brown's correspondence, had the approval of senior 
Ocensa
>>>management.
>>>
>>>The spying plan fits perfectly with BP's confidential security 
review,
>>>which said: "In order to have peace, we must train for war." But it
>>>contradicted BP's public policy that its "best security lies in the
>>>support of local communities".
>>>
>>>Amnesty is concerned that the target of the psychological warfare 
could
>>>have been civilians.
>>>
>>>BP said the "psy-ops" training did not proceed for "budgetary 
reasons".
>>>Anyway, insisted Mr O'Reilly, the intelligence course was about 
community
>>>relations training, not spying.
>>>
>>>Last year the Guardian revealed how DSL had written a proposal for BP 
to
>>>create "intelligence cells" of local informants around its oilfields. 
BP
>>>has consistently denied that it would ever have implemented this 
option.
>>>But it appears that Ocensa did.
>>>
>>>We have spoken to a former Colombian army officer who worked for DSL 
at
>>>the Ocensa security department for two years. He revealed his own
>>>involvement in a spying operation targeting perceived guerrillas and
>>>"subversives" in communities around the pipeline.
>>>
>>>Senior human rights sources warned the Guardian that if this man is 
named
>>>he could be killed, declared mentally insane or forced to retract his
>>>statements by Colombian security agents determined, as in previous 
cases,
>>>to destroy evidence of their clandestine operations.
>>>
>>>The security official was part of a 35-strong team of former 
Colombian
>>>officers who reported to Mr Brown and a BP security manager, Alvaro 
Perez.
>>>He described his own role as "the eyes of the state security forces".
>>>
>>>Ocensa security staff, he says, work as civilians in local 
communities.
>>>They keep quiet about their military past but are chosen by DSL 
because of
>>>previous experience in a particular region as serving officers.
>>>
>>>His job was to nurture informants in the local community. "They pass
>>>intelligence on little bits of paper left in drop zones to be 
collected,"
>>>he said. "The community is unaware they are passing information 
secretly."
>>>
>>>Informants are told to find out about union and community leaders or 
sent
>>>to spy on a community meeting. They are paid from a secret fund at
>>>Ocensa's security department, where security officials must register 
their
>>>informant's name and payment. "Everthing is authorised and registered 
in
>>>documents in Ocensa," he told the Guardian.
>>>
>>>Intelligence reports are written daily and passed to senior Ocensa
>>>security officials. The information is regularly shared with the 
Colombian
>>>defence ministry and local army brigade. Ocensa, he says, pays the
>>>brigades for "intelligence", and registers the payments in the 
company's
>>>security accounts.
>>>
>>>The security source denied that Ocensa or BP had any links with
>>>paramilitary groups.
>>>
>>>Ocensa may argue that this intelligence arrangement is necessary to
>>>protect its pipeline and staff.
>>>
>>>Even so, says Ms Lee: "It is disturbing that intelligence information 
is
>>>passed by Ocensa to the Colombian military who, together with their
>>>paramilitary allies, have frequently targeted those considered 
subversive
>>>for extrajudicial execution and disappearance."
>>>
>>>BP told the Guardian: "We have absolutely no evidence of this 
intelligence
>>>network."
>>>
>>>It is, however, the second time such explosive insider testimony has
>>>emerged.
>>>
>>>In 1995 a Colombian military intelligence officer, Colonel Luis 
Garces,
>>>then working for the 16th Brigade, which is paid by BP to protect its
>>>oilfields, spoke to a government human rights commission. He told it 
that
>>>oil companies, including BP, had shared intelligence, such as 
photographs
>>>of the local communities, with his unit. Col Garces's testimony was 
made
>>>in front of several lawyers, who still say he explicitly mentioned 
BP's
>>>name.
>>>
>>>BP strongly denies the allegation and claims the colonel later wrote 
to
>>>them denying he had named BP. But the oil company refuses to release 
this
>>>letter.
>>>
>>>An official report on this and other allegations of BP's complicity 
in
>>>human rights abuses was published this year by the Colombian 
government.
>>>The authors did not interview Col Garces or those who heard his 
evidence.
>>>
>>>They did, however, find in the 16th Brigade's files 18 irregular 
payments
>>>by BP totalling $ 312,000 between May 1996 and August last year. BP 
said
>>>in the report that this was for "extras", including "intelligence 
work".
>>>
>>>Nevertheless, the Colombian government closed the investigation into 
BP
>>>for lack of evidence. It is a move which has left British NGOs and 
Amnesty
>>>International convinced that the allegations against BP were not
>>>thoroughly investigated.
>>>
>>>However, the government kept open its investigation into DSL, 
following
>>>the Guardian's revelations last year that former SAS soldiers working 
for
>>>DSL were secretly training the Colombian police in counter-insurgency
>>>tactics on BP oil rigs. BP say this training was defensive.
>>>
>>>As a result of this latest scandal, Ocensa and BP sacked Mr Brown and
>>>asked DSL to conduct yet another internal inquiry while BP 
investigated
>>>which managers authorised what.
>>>
>>>DSL, whose multi-million-pound contract with BP Colombia was renewed 
in
>>>August, refuses to comment, as does Mr Brown.
>>>
>>>Today's exposure of the Silver Shadow papers will give the Foreign 
Office
>>>minister Tony Lloyd much to discuss when he arrives in Colombia on
>>>Wednesday.
>>>
>>>        Copyright 1998 Guardian Newspapers Limited
>>>_______________________________________________________________________
>>>***********************************************************************
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>
>
>               ************************************
>              * ENRIQUE CHACON ARIAS
>             * Education Policy Studies, U of A
>            http://www.ualberta.ca/~echacon/Wepa.htm
>          * [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>         * Edmonton, AB CANADA
>        ********************************
>
>
>


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