Considero que todas las ramas del poder manipulan la información a su acomodo, y los periodistas nunca he visto que ralicen seguimientos a las noticias, se limitan ha dar la chiva, que Sr. X dijo esto hoy, pero no se dan cuenta que a los pocos dias el mismo Sr. X dice totalmente lo contrario, y nadie se da cuenta. El Sr. X puede incluir cuanto politico tenemos en nuestro pais.
Y no solo eso, tambien en evolución de noticias como por ejemplo
alguno de ustedes sabe que pasó o que pasa con los Colombianos presos
en Ecuador que se habían crucificado para que protestar por el trato
que reciben en Ecuador, Alguien sabe algo acerca de esto?. Es que ni las
investigaciones de la "justica Colombiana"
han podido decir quien mando matar a J.E.Gaitan. ni muchos otras personas
de la politica, y menos les va a importar quien mata a un campesino a un
obrero a un desempleado a un niNo...
Memo Puertas wrote:
hayhayhayhayhayhayahyahayahayahayahayahayahayahayahayahayahayahayahaymacondianos: los senores del ELN y sus aliados ideologicos en europa y
colombia, tiene verdaderamennete "huevo"..se la quieren ganar toda. La
guerrilla declara objetivo militar la infraestructura petrolera, volando
tubos (van mas de 500) y cuanto se le atraviese, hasta matar a 60
inocentes campesinos, y ahora pega el grito en el cielo y dice que las
compaNias petroleras hacen alianza con el ejercito para defenserse de la
guerrilla. El ELN fue el primero en meter la politica petrolera en la
guerra y ahora se quejan que la industria se ha metido en la guerra. Si
ellos no realizaran este inutil y estupido terrorismo, nadie estaria
vinculando a las compaNias con la guerra. Es increible como manipulan la
informacion; parte de esa manipulacion es hecha por sindicalistas y
exguerrilleros de EPL "exiliados" en Europa, quienes gozan de pensiones
del gobierno ingles y justifican su permanencia en Londres, armando esta
clase de cuentos e historias.>>> BP hands 'tarred in pipeline dirty war'
>>> ---------------------------------------
>>>
>>> By Michael Gillard, Ignacio Gomez and Melissa Jones
>>>
>>>
>>>The northern part of the Ocensa pipeline winds through Antioquia and
the
>>>Magdelena Medio -- the areas most savaged by Colombia's 33-year armed
>>>conflict.
>>>
>>>Peasant farmers living near the pipeline are caught in the crossfire
>>>between the Colombian army, its feared paramilitary allies and
leftwing
>>>guerrillas.
>>>
>>>In the past 10 years more than 30,000 unarmed civilians have been the
>>>victims of politically motivated killings in Colombia. International
human
>>>rights groups hold the state security forces and paramilitaries
>>>responsible for 70 per cent of these murders.
>>>
>>>Many of the tortured and decapitated bodies --community leaders,
trade
>>>unionists, church workers, peasant farmers and human rights
defenders--
>>>are buried in the land around the pipeline.
>>>
>>>Their families will never see those responsible prosecuted, because
the
>>>Colombian security forces implicated in this dirty war escape with
almost
>>>total impunity.
>>>
>>>BP is a major shareholder in the Ocensa consortium, along with the
>>>Canadian firms TransCanada and IPL Enterprises and the French oil
company
>>>Total.
>>>
>>>Ocensa recently completed the 520 mile pipeline, which transports
>>>high-quality crude from BP's huge oilfield in the eastern foothills
of the
>>>Andes to tankers off the Caribbean coast.
>>>
>>>The pipeline, which is a military target for the guerrillas, has two
lines
>>>of defence.
>>>
>>>First is an internal security department created and run by a
secretive
>>>Anglo-American company, Defence Systems Limited, which is based in
London.
>>>DSL and its former SAS soldiers were initially brought to Colombia by
BP
>>>to protect its pounds 25 billion oilfields.
>>>
>>>Second is a secret agreement with the Colombian defence ministry to
>>>provide protection by counter-guerrilla brigades based near the
pipeline.
>>>
>>>Ocensa's defence needs are worth millions to the private security
industry
>>>and the Colombian military. BP is also the country's biggest
investor.
>>>
>>>With this in mind the Israeli security company Silver Shadow
approached
>>>Ocensa's security department in the summer of 1996. In July it sent a
>>>two-page fax to Ocensa's security manager, Roger Brown, detailing
what it
>>>called "The Turn Key Project".
>>>
>>>The proposals for protecting the northern section of the pipeline
included
>>>armoured attack helicopters, the "direct supply of anti-guerrilla
special
>>>weaponry and ammo", night-vision goggles, small robotic spy planes
>>>(drones) and secure communications equipment.
>>>
>>>Mr Brown is a former British army officer and veteran of the Oman
war. In
>>>civvy street he joined DSL and in 1992 was sent to Colombia to run
>>>security for BP's oilfields. Three years later he was transferred to
set
>>>up and run Ocensa's pipeline security department. The two security
>>>operations work closely together and handle security matters for the
>>>consortium.
>>>
>>>The Guardian has obtained copies of the correspondence between Silver
>>>Shadow and Ocensa, including other documents related to the arms
deal.
>>>
>>>The Silver Shadow papers reveal that Mr Brown said he had received
"verbal
>>>agreement" from Ocensa's management to study pipeline protection
plans,
>>>including the Turn Key Project.
>>>
>>>Ocensa transferred an advance payment of $ 202,000 ( pounds 126,000)
to
>>>Silver Shadow's Tel Aviv account.
>>>
>>>And in May last year, when the US export licence was approved, 60
pairs of
>>>restricted night-vision goggles were sent directly to the notorious
14th
>>>Brigade, which operates in Segovia, through which the pipeline
passes.
>>>
>>>This brigade has one of the worst human rights records in Colombia's
dirty
>>>war. Lawyers have proved the involvement of a brigade commander and
>>>officers in one of Colombia's worst massacres in Segovia in 1988 when
more
>>>than 90 men, women and children were attacked and 43 of them killed.
>>>
>>>In 1996, while Ocensa and Silver Shadow were discussing arming the
brigade
>>>with attack helicopters and guns, the brigade was once again under
>>>investigation for its role in the execution of 14 civilians in
Segovia
>>>that April. The incidents were unconnected with oilfield protection.
>>>
>>>Numbed by the latest massacre, officials of the government ombudsman
wrote
>>>to Ocensa in November 1996 to express concern at the social and
>>>environmental impact of its operation on the community in the region.
>>>
>>>"The people asked us if the 14th Brigade has the right to kill you
when
>>>you are detained. They feel very unprotected," said Beatriz Londono,
who
>>>visited Segovia for the ombudsman's office.
>>>
>>>She added: "We are very worried about the large number of police and
army
>>>protecting the pipeline. The unequal investment (by oil companies) in
>>>security over community projects generates more conflict."
>>>
>>>Ocensa refuses to comment on its relationship with the 14th Brigade
and
>>>DSL. But BP's chief spin doctor, John O'Reilly, told the Guardian the
sale
>>>of military equipment and the general relationship with the brigade
were
>>>"unavoidable" under Ocensa's secret agreement with the defence
ministry.
>>>
>>>Mr O'Reilly also denied that any attack helicopters were bought for
the
>>>army, but justified Ocensa's involvement by citing the "terrible
security
>>>situation at the time" caused by guerrilla attacks on the pipeline.
>>>
>>>But it was not the only target. So too were communities living near
it.
>>>Amnesty International points out that the Turn Key Project was
negotiated
>>>when paramilitary death squads, with 14th Brigade support, had
intensified
>>>political cleansing operations against government critics and
perceived
>>>subversives in the region. More than 140 people were killed last year
>>>alone.
>>>
>>>An Amnesty researcher, Susan Lee, also questions another aspect of
>>>Ocensa's relationship with the brigade.
>>>
>>>"In the past this brigade brought in an Israeli security company to
>>>provide mercenary training for paramilitaries operating under its
>>>control," she said. "These death squads went on to commit widespread
>>>atrocities against the civilian population."
>>>
>>>Silver Shadow was not involved in that operation. Its director, Asaf
>>>Nadel, is a former Israeli army officer who once worked at the
embassy in
>>>Colombia. The Turn Key Project was his first commercial venture
there.
>>>
>>>Mr Nadel would not discuss the Ocensa deal, other than to say: "They
got
>>>everything they paid for."
>>>
>>>The Silver Shadow papers also reveal a disturbing plan to give Ocensa
and
>>>BP top management "a state-of-the-art investigation-intelligence and
>>>psychological warfare 18-day seminar". It would be tailored "to suit
>>>Ocensa/BP special requirements" along the pipeline.
>>>
>>>According to one confidential fax, Mr Brown and Silver Shadow
discussed
>>>using former Israeli intelligence officers - "whose method are (sic)
known
>>>worldwide" - to train Ocensa security staff in interrogation,
intelligence
>>>collection, targeting and running informants in the field,
preparation of
>>>intelligence files and investigating private individuals.
>>>
>>>The discussions took place between July 1996 and February last year
and,
>>>according to Mr Brown's correspondence, had the approval of senior
Ocensa
>>>management.
>>>
>>>The spying plan fits perfectly with BP's confidential security
review,
>>>which said: "In order to have peace, we must train for war." But it
>>>contradicted BP's public policy that its "best security lies in the
>>>support of local communities".
>>>
>>>Amnesty is concerned that the target of the psychological warfare
could
>>>have been civilians.
>>>
>>>BP said the "psy-ops" training did not proceed for "budgetary
reasons".
>>>Anyway, insisted Mr O'Reilly, the intelligence course was about
community
>>>relations training, not spying.
>>>
>>>Last year the Guardian revealed how DSL had written a proposal for BP
to
>>>create "intelligence cells" of local informants around its oilfields.
BP
>>>has consistently denied that it would ever have implemented this
option.
>>>But it appears that Ocensa did.
>>>
>>>We have spoken to a former Colombian army officer who worked for DSL
at
>>>the Ocensa security department for two years. He revealed his own
>>>involvement in a spying operation targeting perceived guerrillas and
>>>"subversives" in communities around the pipeline.
>>>
>>>Senior human rights sources warned the Guardian that if this man is
named
>>>he could be killed, declared mentally insane or forced to retract his
>>>statements by Colombian security agents determined, as in previous
cases,
>>>to destroy evidence of their clandestine operations.
>>>
>>>The security official was part of a 35-strong team of former
Colombian
>>>officers who reported to Mr Brown and a BP security manager, Alvaro
Perez.
>>>He described his own role as "the eyes of the state security forces".
>>>
>>>Ocensa security staff, he says, work as civilians in local
communities.
>>>They keep quiet about their military past but are chosen by DSL
because of
>>>previous experience in a particular region as serving officers.
>>>
>>>His job was to nurture informants in the local community. "They pass
>>>intelligence on little bits of paper left in drop zones to be
collected,"
>>>he said. "The community is unaware they are passing information
secretly."
>>>
>>>Informants are told to find out about union and community leaders or
sent
>>>to spy on a community meeting. They are paid from a secret fund at
>>>Ocensa's security department, where security officials must register
their
>>>informant's name and payment. "Everthing is authorised and registered
in
>>>documents in Ocensa," he told the Guardian.
>>>
>>>Intelligence reports are written daily and passed to senior Ocensa
>>>security officials. The information is regularly shared with the
Colombian
>>>defence ministry and local army brigade. Ocensa, he says, pays the
>>>brigades for "intelligence", and registers the payments in the
company's
>>>security accounts.
>>>
>>>The security source denied that Ocensa or BP had any links with
>>>paramilitary groups.
>>>
>>>Ocensa may argue that this intelligence arrangement is necessary to
>>>protect its pipeline and staff.
>>>
>>>Even so, says Ms Lee: "It is disturbing that intelligence information
is
>>>passed by Ocensa to the Colombian military who, together with their
>>>paramilitary allies, have frequently targeted those considered
subversive
>>>for extrajudicial execution and disappearance."
>>>
>>>BP told the Guardian: "We have absolutely no evidence of this
intelligence
>>>network."
>>>
>>>It is, however, the second time such explosive insider testimony has
>>>emerged.
>>>
>>>In 1995 a Colombian military intelligence officer, Colonel Luis
Garces,
>>>then working for the 16th Brigade, which is paid by BP to protect its
>>>oilfields, spoke to a government human rights commission. He told it
that
>>>oil companies, including BP, had shared intelligence, such as
photographs
>>>of the local communities, with his unit. Col Garces's testimony was
made
>>>in front of several lawyers, who still say he explicitly mentioned
BP's
>>>name.
>>>
>>>BP strongly denies the allegation and claims the colonel later wrote
to
>>>them denying he had named BP. But the oil company refuses to release
this
>>>letter.
>>>
>>>An official report on this and other allegations of BP's complicity
in
>>>human rights abuses was published this year by the Colombian
government.
>>>The authors did not interview Col Garces or those who heard his
evidence.
>>>
>>>They did, however, find in the 16th Brigade's files 18 irregular
payments
>>>by BP totalling $ 312,000 between May 1996 and August last year. BP
said
>>>in the report that this was for "extras", including "intelligence
work".
>>>
>>>Nevertheless, the Colombian government closed the investigation into
BP
>>>for lack of evidence. It is a move which has left British NGOs and
Amnesty
>>>International convinced that the allegations against BP were not
>>>thoroughly investigated.
>>>
>>>However, the government kept open its investigation into DSL,
following
>>>the Guardian's revelations last year that former SAS soldiers working
for
>>>DSL were secretly training the Colombian police in counter-insurgency
>>>tactics on BP oil rigs. BP say this training was defensive.
>>>
>>>As a result of this latest scandal, Ocensa and BP sacked Mr Brown and
>>>asked DSL to conduct yet another internal inquiry while BP
investigated
>>>which managers authorised what.
>>>
>>>DSL, whose multi-million-pound contract with BP Colombia was renewed
in
>>>August, refuses to comment, as does Mr Brown.
>>>
>>>Today's exposure of the Silver Shadow papers will give the Foreign
Office
>>>minister Tony Lloyd much to discuss when he arrives in Colombia on
>>>Wednesday.
>>>
>>> Copyright 1998 Guardian Newspapers Limited
>>>_______________________________________________________________________
>>>***********************************************************************
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>
>
> ************************************
> * ENRIQUE CHACON ARIAS
> * Education Policy Studies, U of A
> http://www.ualberta.ca/~echacon/Wepa.htm
> * [EMAIL PROTECTED]
> * Edmonton, AB CANADA
> ********************************
>
>
>______________________________________________________
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