Jefferson's condemnations of slavery as a violation of human rights, written in private letters and never said in public, or in the Notes, which he did not itend to make public, stand in stark contrast to his buying and selling of human beings, his opposition to the Missouri Compromise, he refusal to bring the gradual emancipation bill to the floor in the Va. legislature.  During the Revol. when Va. was being invaded by the British he did not propose arming (and freeing) slaves to fight for his liberty and theirs, but he did condemn the british for freeing slaves if they would fight against the americans.   He surely understood slavery was, at some level, morally wrong. I am sure he understood that having children with Sally Hemings and holding those children in slavery was morally wrong.  I am sure he understood, at some level, that keep Sally Hemings as slave and as his mistress was morally wrong.  I am sure many people who do morally wrong things know that they are acting immorally.  Whatever moral qualms he might have had, however, did not make him an opponent of slavery or someone who ever used his vast political power as gov., legislator, sec. of state, vp. and president, to actually do anything about it.  I will not continu this debate with Prof. Somin after this e-mail, as  have published enough on it for Prof. Somin to read.  But , it is worth recalling that while president, Jefferson did everything in his power to undermine the government of Haiti and even offered to aid the French if they would reconquer the Island and reenslave its population.  To this day I believe that the fate of Haiti is in part a result of the attempts by Jefferson to 'destroy the black republic' as his son-in-law proposed on the floor of Congress.  Somin argues that I place too much value on a single individual. In this instance it is quite clear that had the US been willing to 1) recognize Haiti; 2) trade with Haiti; and 3) help Haiti develop a democratic republic --- all things the Haitians were asking us to do -- history would have been different. Instead, we undermined Haiti, broke off our diplomatic negotiations with Haiti, offered to help Napoleon reconquer Haiti, and well our embargo against Europe, put an embargo on Haiti that ruined its economy (we were the No., 1 tradiing partner with Haiti at the time), in order help destroy Haiti.  This is the "antislavery" Jefferson in action.  

Paul Finkelman

Ilya Somin wrote:
A few points below:

On Sat, 2 Aug 2003, Paul Finkelman wrote:

  
No.1 woudl have banned slavery in 1800 just as Prof. Somin says,  Is
this a way to prevent the institution from spreading?  Would anyone on
the list propose social legislation that would not take effect for
16years, with no promise of an enforcement mechanism even then?  Let's
get real.
    


-I agree that banning it in 16 years is not as good as doing so
immediately. However, a rational slaveowner would not be very likely to
want to bring slaves into an area where slavery would be abolished within
a few years.

  
There is no evidecne for no. 2 at all; this is a myth that Prof. Somin
and other want to believe.  On the contrary, he *prevented* such a bill
from being introudced in the legislature as chair of the committee to
revise the laws and then falsely claimed in Notes on teh Stte of  Va.
(in 1784) that such a bill was in the workds.

    
-On this one, I will have to yield to Prof. Finkelman's far more expert
knowledge of the subject.


  
On. 3 one would think that a man who risked his life, fortune and sacred
honor to fight the strongest nation on earth would have done more about
slavery than merely moan about "God" (which is hardly much of a moan
coming from a deist who never attended church), if he really thought it
wrong.
    

-This is just one of many Jefferson quotes criticizing slavery on moral
grounds. Others can be found summarized in the UVA link I presented below.
I don't think mentioning God somehow  reduces the seriousness of
Jefferson's point. The fact is that Jefferson stated that slavery was
unjust and contrary to natural right on many occasions.

  
Again, I invite Prof. Somin to read the evidence in Onuf's Jeffersonian
Legacies and my Slavery and the Founders.  If TJ had really opposed
slavery,  I suspect our history would have been different.  But, alas,
he did and never acted like he did in his public life or his private life.

    
-I think that this overestimates the influence of any 1 person on an issue
as large as slavery. To the extent that Jefferson did not do as much as he
could have to oppose slavery, of course he deserves criticism for it.
However,  considerations of political feasibility surely played an
important role in his actions. None of the southern slave states abolished
slavery prior to the Civil War, and I don't think that this can be
explained by chance factors or by insufficient commitment on the part of
individual antislavery politicians, Jefferson included.

Lastly, the point about Jefferson proposing to end the slave trade in 1776
is found here:

http://etext.lib.virginia.edu/jefferson/biog/lj11.htm

While it is surely true that Jefferson did not want to see an increase in
the black population and Possibly that he sought to increase the value of
his own slaves, he also  condemned the slave trade as a "violation . . .
of human rights.":
http://etext.lib.virginia.edu/jefferson/quotations/jeff1290.htm



 Ilya Somin

  
Paul Finkelman

Ilya Somin wrote:

    
I did not deny that Jefferson owned slaves (indeed, I included him among
those founders who were "hypocritical" in their antislavery views because
they continued to do so). I also don't deny that there were others at the
time who were far more consistent in their attitudes. Nonetheles, I don't
think that Prof. Finkelman's claim that Jefferson was not an opponent of
slavery at all. Consider:

1. He proposed the first draft of the NWO of 1784, which would have banned
slavery in the Western territories after 1800.

2. He proposed an emancipation plan for Virginia to the state legislature
as early as 1779.

3. He made numerous antislavery statements that go far beyond claiming
that it was merely "corrosive to the body politic." For a sampling
collected by the University of Virginia, see this website:

http://etext.lib.virginia.edu/jefferson/quotations/jeff1290.htm

Here is just one example of a quote where Jefferson shows that he
recognizes that slavery is wrong and not just "corrosive":

"I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just: that his
justice cannot sleep forever: that considering numbers, nature and natural
means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of
situation, is among possible events: that it may become probable by
supernatural interference! The Almighty has no attribute which can take
side with us in such a contest." --Thomas Jefferson: Notes on Virginia
Q.XVIII, 1782. ME 2:227

Jefferson and other founders who continued to own slaves while denouncing
slavery were no paragons of virtue. But it is not correct to say that
Jefferson was proslavery or that he said or did nothing to suggest
otherwise.

Ilya Somin

On Sat, 2 Aug 2003, Paul Finkelman wrote:



      
I would love to know what evidence Prof. Somin has that Jefferson was a
"lifelong opponent of slavery."  He did nothing in his political career
to end it in Va; he opposed attempts to have gradual emancipation law
passed in Va while he was in the legislture (and lied about the status
of this law in his Notes on the State of Va.); he counseled people like
Edward Coles NOT to free their slaves.  "Keep your patrimony" he told
him, fortunately, Coles ignores the advice.  In his lifetime he freed 3
slaves (all members of the Hemings family and thus his relatives by
marriage, since Sally and her brothers and sisters were the children of
John Wales who was the father of Jefferson's wife, Martha Wayles) and in
death he freed five moreHemings slaves.  Some were his own children.  In
the 1780s adn 1790s  he sold over 80 slaves to cover his debts while
importing wine, paintings, furniture, books, etc from France. TJ was in
France at the time the NWO was passed and to my knowledge did not say
anything about it at all at the time; earlier in his career he had
proposed a law which would have banned slavery in the west, but would
not have taken effect for 20 years; hardly an effective measure against
slavery;  he opposed the Missouri Compromise and was against stopping
the spread of slavery.  TJ understood slavery was corrosive to the body
politic, but that is about it.

Prof. Somin's assertion that TJ was an abolitionist makes us "feel
better" about the founding of the nation, but does not reflect the
reality of a man who owned 400 or so slaves during his lifetime, bought
and sold people like, punished them by selling them away from the people
they grew up with, and opposed every emancipation program that came
before him.  Where in this sordid record of his public and private life
is there evidence that he opposed slavery.  He must be compared to
people like Judge St. George Tucker, who proposed and printed and
circulated a gradual emancipation program for Va (which TJ would not
endorse) or Edward Coles, who took his slaves to Ill, and freed them, or
John Randolph and George Washington who free all their slaves in their
wills; or John "Councillor" Carter who free ove 500 slaves one Sunday in
the 1790s after coming back from Church.

--
Paul Finkelman
Chapman Distinguished Professor of Law
University of Tulsa College of Law
3120 East 4th Place
Tulsa, OK   74104-3189

918-631-3706 (office)
918-631-2194 (fax)

[EMAIL PROTECTED]


Ilya Somin wrote:



        
IF I recall correctly, free blacks were citizens in at least one southern
state (North Carolina) in 1787. It is possible that ordinary southern
whites weren't aware of this fact, but such an assumption is less
plausible in the case of southern political elites and southern delegates
to the state ratifying conventions. It is also, I think, implausible to
assume that southern white elites were unaware that free blacks were
citizens in several northern states. As to why southern whites  might have
been willing to accept the presence of free black citizens, it is
important to realize that such citizens were few in 1787, and the
Constitution left the definition of citizenship largely in the hands of
the states. Thus, southern whites, if they considered this issue at all,
may not have seen much of a threat here.

Regarding the DoI, I don't have much to add to the vast literature on the
subject. However, Thomas Jefferson and many other framers were lifelong
opponents of slavery so it is perfectly plausible that they meant to
include blacks in it. Jefferson was one of the main supporters of the
Northwest Ordinance and attempted to pass emancipation legislation in
Virginia. Obviously, neither Jefferson nor the others expected immediate
emancipation as a result of the Declaration, and many were personally
hypocritical in  so far as they continued to own slaves themselves.
However, it is not true that they didn't realize that the wording of the
DoI applied to blacks too, at least to the extent of condemning their
enslavement.

Ilya Somin

On Fri, 1 Aug 2003, Paul Finkelman wrote:





          
I agree with Franck that it was reasonable to argue that free blacks
were citizens of hte US if you lived in some parts of the north; one
assumes the Mass. framers believed this, from their experience.  but the
va, sc and ga framers would never have understood this is what they were
doing.  Can you imagine SC ratifiying if it pinckney had come back and
said you will have to deal with black us citizens?   there wre multiple
intentions, as mark graber pointed out.    The problem with
"originalism" and "intentions" is that we cannot know what it means; we
can look at text (is Franck now a strict constructionist/textualist?);
but the text says slavery is protected in many ways; intentions go
beyond text to the debates (where they can help us, but of course mostly
they can't).  But on slavery it is quite clear the southern framers
*intended* to support slavery and ratified with that intention.  See
Pinckney's speeches in SC or even Madison's and Randolph's in VA.  Thus,
on this point, it seems to be, as Mark Graber said earlier, that Taney's
orginalism is as plausible as anyone else's; I would argue more so,
given the proslavery nature of the constitution.

I did not get into teh Dec of I, but the only reference to slavery there
is at the end, when the Dec complains about the king freeing slaves to
fight against the patriots  (He has incited domestic insurrections.)  If
something in the Dec. of I. was supposed to apply to slaves -- if that
ws the *intent* of the DofI, I am sure the 40% of Virginia that was held
in slavery would have been happy to know about it.  But, neither the
primary author (the Master of Monticello) nor very many other southern
leaders, seemed to think that it applied.  Now, that leaves Prof. Franck
two alternatives.  Either he can concede that the Dec. of I's authors
did not intend it to apply to slavery or he can concend the founders,
starting with TJ, of being dishonest, hypocritcal, etc.

we agree on the territories clause; but I think Taney's 5th Amendment
argument is powerful and goes to the heart of what slaveholders intended
when the wrote and ratified that amendment. surely they did not intend
it to be an abolitionist amendment; they intended it to protect their
property.

Lincoln's Cooper Union speech -- as well as his House Divided Speech and
his debates with Douglas speeches are fine political rhetoric; I would
have voted for him; but it is not great history.  It is important for
those of us who admire Lincoln, but who are modern scholars, to
understand the difference between a great speech that fits and era, and
serious historical analaysis.  Lincoln was able to persuade the north
that his view of history was how it ought to be, but that does not mean
he was right about how it was.  fortunately, Lincoln was neither an
orginalist nor a text bound literalist.


(ps, please excuse typoes, i am working with one hand, the other is
taped up.)

--
Paul Finkelman
Chapman Distinguished Professor of Law
University of Tulsa College of Law
3120 East 4th Place
Tulsa, OK   74104-3189

918-631-3706 (office)
918-631-2194 (fax)

[EMAIL PROTECTED]





            

          

        
--



      
--
Paul Finkelman
Chapman Distinguished Professor of Law
University of Tulsa College of Law
3120 East 4th Place
Tulsa, OK   74104-3189

918-631-3706 (office)
918-631-2194 (fax)

[EMAIL PROTECTED]



    

--

  

--
Paul Finkelman
Chapman Distinguished Professor of Law
University of Tulsa College of Law
3120 East 4th Place
Tulsa, OK   74104-3189

918-631-3706 (office)
918-631-2194 (fax)

[EMAIL PROTECTED]

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