Federal Reserve Board eptember 18, 2000


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Remarks by Chairman Alan Greenspan
Banking supervision
Before the American Bankers Association, Washington, D.C.



It is a pleasure to join you this morning to share in the celebration
of the 125th anniversary of the American Bankers Association. Your
association has a long and distinguished history, and I always look
forward to an opportunity to contribute to your discussions.

The financial world is a far different one from that at the founding
of the ABA in 1875. But even the 1870s had been preceded by a rapid
pace of change. The United States had come out of an antebellum period
of so-called wild cat banking--which incidentally was far less wild
than some historic lore would have it--and the safety of the nation's
money was on the minds of both bankers and regulators as our financial
system matured.

Perhaps Hugh McCulloch, our first Comptroller of the Currency, may
have been somewhat over the edge, in this regard, when in 1863 he
proposed that the National Bank Act "be so amended that the failure of
a national bank be declared prima facie fraudulent, and that the
officers and directors, under whose administration such insolvency
shall occur, be made personally liable for the debts of the bank, and
be punished criminally, unless it shall appear, upon investigation,
that its affairs were honestly administered." So much for moral
hazard. And surely, here we observe the intellectual origins of prompt
corrective action.

The safety concerns to which I referred were clearly on the minds of
founders of the ABA when in 1891, according to your annals, a Standing
Protective Committee was created to "control all actions looking to
the detection, prosecution, and punishment of persons attempting to
cause or causing loss, by crime, to any member of the Association."
The ABA then announced that it would pursue those who committed crimes
against its members, and apparently did so with good result. By
1896-97 the only successful robbery was of a member who failed to
prominently display his ABA membership sign. It was thus no wonder
that between 1894 and 1898 membership in the association almost
doubled, to more than 3,300.

At the turn of the century the ABA utilized the services of the
Pinkertons to keep track of professional criminals and forewarn
members of their movements. Under contract to the ABA and others, the
Pinkertons went after the bank robbers who became known in Western
legend as the "Wild Bunch" gang. By 1902 the detectives thought that
only three members of the gang were alive, including Butch Cassidy and
the Sundance Kid--last allegedly seen in South America out of range of
the Pinkertons and especially the ABA's safe and sound banking policy.

Protecting the nation's money has, of course, become far more
sophisticated in the twenty-first century, but not nearly so
interesting. But in the twenty-first as in the nineteenth century,
facilitating the soundness of finance and its contribution to economic
growth and prosperity is what banking has been about.

Many of the benefits that banks provide to modern societies derive
from their willingness to take risks and from their use of a
relatively high degree of financial leverage. Through leverage, in the
form principally of taking deposits but increasingly of other forms of
borrowing as well, banks perform a critical role in the financial
intermediation process; you provide savers with additional investment
choices and borrowers with a greater range of sources of credit,
thereby facilitating a more efficient allocation of resources and
contributing importantly to greater economic growth. Indeed, it has
been the evident value of intermediation and leverage that has shaped
the development of our financial systems from the earliest
times--certainly since Colonial bankers learned that the issuance of
notes on a fractional specie base was feasible and profitable. But it
is also that very same leverage that makes banks so sensitive to the
risks they take and aligns the stability of the economy with the
critical role of supervision, not only by supervisors but also by
management and by the market.

At the very beginning of our banking history, American banks, like
banks in virtually every other nation, were, in fact, supervised by
the market. Government regulation and supervision of early American
banks were modest and appear to have been intended primarily to ensure
that banks had adequate specie reserves to meet their debt
obligations, especially obligations on their circulating notes.

When confidence was lacking in a bank, its notes tended to exchange at
a discount to par and to the rates of other, more creditworthy, banks.
Well before the ABA was founded, private money brokers seem to have
appeared. These brokers, our early arbitrageurs, purchased bank notes
at a discount and transported them to the issuing bank, where they
demanded par redemption. Moreover, the Suffolk Bank, chartered in 1818
in Massachusetts, entered the business of collecting country bank
notes in 1819 and created the first regional clearing system. By doing
so, in effect by demanding specie if excessive note issuance created
adverse clearings, it constrained the supply of notes by individual
banks to prudential levels. As a result, the notes of all of its
associated banks could and did circulate consistently at face value.

Throughout the so-called free banking era before the Civil War, the
effectiveness of market prices for notes, and their associated impact
on the cost of funds, imparted an increased market discipline. Perhaps
this was because technological change--particularly the telegraph and
the railroad--made monitoring of banks by money brokers and
counterparties more effective and reduced the time required to send a
note home for redemption. Following the crisis of 1837 through the
advent of the Civil War the discounts on notes came to correspond more
closely to objective measures of the riskiness of individual banks.
Banks competed for reputation and advertised high capital ratios to
attract depositors. Capital-to-asset ratios in those days often
exceeded one-third.

During the same period, part of this reduction in riskiness reflected
improvement in state regulation and supervision. But the greatest
impact was the private market regulation just described, working in an
environment before depositors and note holders were protected by a
safety net.

In the early decades of the ABA, both the economy and our banking
system grew rapidly. A fully functioning gold standard governed
monetary expansion and was perceived to provide an "automatic"
stabilizing policy. Only with the emergence of periodic credit crises
late in the nineteenth century, and especially in 1907, did the
creation of a central bank, previously perceived as a threat to states
rights, finally gain support.

These crises were seen largely as a consequence of the inelastic
currency engendered by the National Bank Act, which required full
collateralization of bank notes by U.S. government securities. But
even with the advent of the Federal Reserve in 1913, monetary policy
through the 1920s was largely governed by the gold standard rules.
When the efforts of the Federal Reserve failed to prevent the bank
collapse of the 1930s, the Banking Act of 1933 created federal deposit
insurance.

The subsequent evidence appears persuasive that the combination of a
lender of last resort (the Federal Reserve) and federal deposit
insurance have contributed significantly to financial stability and
have accordingly achieved wide support within the Congress. As has
often been the case in our long financial history, such significant
government intervention has not been without cost. The federal safety
net for banks, which clearly diminishes both the incentive for, and
the effectiveness of, private market regulation, creates perverse
incentives for some banks to take excessive risk. Indeed, the safety
net has required that we substitute more government supervision and
regulation for the market discipline that played such an important
role through much of our banking history.

Although the safety net necessitates greater government oversight, in
recent years rapidly changing technology has begun to render obsolete
much of the bank examination regime established in earlier decades.
Bank regulators are perforce being pressed to depend increasingly on
greater and more sophisticated private market discipline, the still
most effective form of regulation. Indeed, these developments
reinforce the truth of a key lesson from our banking history--that
private counterparty supervision remains the first line of regulatory
defense. This is certainly the case for the rapidly expanding bank
options and swaps markets and other off-balance-sheet transactions.
The speed of transactions and the growing complexities of these
instruments have required federal and state examiners to focus
supervision more on risk-management procedures than on actual
portfolios. Indeed, I would characterize recent examination
innovations and proposals as attempting both to harness and to
simulate market forces in the supervision of banks.

The impact of technology on financial services and therefore, of
necessity, the way it will affect supervision and regulation as we
move into the twenty-first century is the critical issue that frames
the supervisory agenda now before us. The acceleration in the growth
of technology that has so greatly affected our economy in general has
also profoundly expanded the scope and utility of financial products
over, say, the past fifteen years. The substantial increase in our
calculation capabilities has resulted in a variety of products and
ways to unbundle risk. What is particularly impressive is that there
is no sign that this process of acceleration in financial innovation
is approaching an end. We continue to move at an exceptionally rapid
pace, fueled by both computing and telecommunications capabilities.

How should the Federal Reserve, as the functional regulator of
state-chartered member banks and, more importantly, as an umbrella
supervisor of both bank holding companies and the financial holding
companies forming under the Financial Modernization Act, react to this
ongoing wave of innovation? The ability to answer that question rests
on an understanding of how information technology has changed the
nature of your business.

The explosion in the quantity and quality of information is reducing
uncertainty, and that is particularly important because the banker's
stock in trade, the basis of an institution's franchise value, is
information. The knowledge of the potential viability of their
customers is all that prevents bankers from the equivalent of lending
on the outcome of a roulette wheel's spin.

To the extent that the newer technologies have opened up vast new
areas of information, the banker's knowledge of the borrower's
capacity to repay a loan is significantly enhanced. Risk premiums,
internal risk classifications and modeling, and credit scoring are
becoming ever more finely tuned.

But the same advances in information innovation and communication are
available to all of a banker's competitors as well. Thus, although
increased information lowers the risk of lending, competition inhibits
those advantages from translating into longer-run enhanced profit
margins.

Moreover, the quickened pace of market adjustments resulting from the
newer technologies has significantly shortened the interval over which
a debt can move from investment grade to default. This delimits the
capacity of a bank to adjust its exposure to a failing borrower before
the bank is confronted with default.

Uncertainty is the creator of risk premiums, the creator of higher
funding costs throughout the financial system and indeed throughout
the economy generally. The increasing availability of accurate and
relevant real-time information, by reducing uncertainty, is over time
reducing the cost of capital. That is important to financial holding
companies and financial institutions generally in their roles of both
lender and borrower.

It is important in their role as borrower because their funding costs
are critically tied to the perceived level of uncertainty about their
condition. It is important in their role as lender because a dramatic
decline in uncertainty as a consequence of a large increase in
real-time information availability engenders a reduction in
proprietary information.

One of the major reasons that financial intermediation worked well in
years past, in addition to the values of diversification, was that
financial institutions possessed information others did not have. This
asymmetry of information was capitalized in fairly significant rates
of return. But this advantage is rapidly dissipating, as any bank
lender will testify. We are going to real-time systems, not only with
transactions but with knowledge as well. The continued success of
banking organizations, as at the time of the ABA's founding, is
dependent upon their ability to reinvent themselves by providing new
and different services and creating new and different ways to lend and
to manage assets.

Financial institutions can endeavor to preserve the old way of doing
business by keeping information, especially adverse information, away
from the funders of their liabilities. But that, I submit, would be
unwise. Inevitably and increasingly it will become more difficult to
do. And, when it becomes clear that the information coming out of an
institution is somehow questionable, that institution will pay an
uncertainty premium, perhaps a costly one. It is well worthwhile
remembering that stock prices almost invariably go up when companies
write off investment mistakes. The reason is the removal of
uncertainty and the elimination of a shadow on the companies'
credibility.

What does all this mean for supervision and regulation in the
twenty-first century? If the supervisory system is to effectively
enhance the capacity of the country's financial systems to function,
it must adjust to the changing structure of that system. There is no
frozen fix on supervision and regulation. We are always changing and
moving forward, endeavoring to adjust in a manner that facilitates
innovation.

We are in a dynamic system that requires not just us but also our
colleagues in the Group of Ten to adjust. Today's products and rapidly
changing structures of finance mean that supervisors are backing off
from detail-oriented supervision, which no longer can be implemented
effectively. We are moving toward a system in which we judge how well
your internal risk models are functioning and whether the risk thus
measured is being appropriately managed and offset with capital. And
we are moving toward a system in which public disclosure and market
discipline are going to play increasing roles, especially at our large
institutions, as a necessity to avoid expansion of invasive and
burdensome supervision and regulation. We have a long way to go, but
this is where competitive pressures and the underlying economic forces
are pushing both you and the supervisory system.

The Financial Modernization Act is only a flag on the way to future
changes. It is a piece of legislation that will bring major changes
for the good, I trust, in all respects. During the transition, the
Federal Reserve and other supervisors must work through the issues of
how to blend functional regulation and umbrella supervision. Creating
that blend will not be easy. And it must be done substantially right
the first time because, with the financial system changing so rapidly,
we do not have the luxury of reversing course and going in a wholly
different direction.

In closing, let me return to the fact that you are celebrating the
ABA's 125th birthday. In 1875, the American economy and its banking
industry stood on the threshold of a profound technological revolution
that would challenge and enrich our nation in unimaginable ways. I
believe that in the year 2000 we may well be on the cusp of a similar
revolution. The bankers of the nineteenth century met their many
challenges and kept the banking industry a vibrant and critical part
of the U.S. economy. I am confident that the bankers of the
twenty-first century, though no less challenged, will prove no less
capable.







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