Regarding my postings on the issue of Kosovo, I must apologize for underestimating the level of detailed knowledge & keen intelectual agility displayed by the members of this list. It is obvious that my postings lacked the detailed exposition & fact-based grounding that the topic deserves, and that the members of the list need in order to engage in an useful discussion. The comments made in Spanish by compañero Nestor clearly pointed out the need for me to fully explain my position, and to steer away from generalizations that do not fully describe the events on the ground. Once again, my apologies! In the context of Kosovo, what I meant to state is the following: every ethnic & national group in the world, from the Albanian Kosovars, the Mapuche in Argentina & Chile, the Cajun in the US state of Louisiana, the Welsh in the UK and the Ainu in Japan, all have a right to decide their future as a people. In a perfect world, we would have thousands of small autonomous entities in which the unique cultural & ethnic diversity of the world would be preserved and enhanced. Perhaps we need to ask where does this fit within a theoretical Marxist approach to globalization, or the establishment of true world-wide democracy based in social justice and classless society. History has shown time and time again that ethnic/nationalist ties are far more powerful and effective than calls for mass movements based on class or gender solidarity. Thus, it is important that all social justice movements recognize the power of ethnicity and incorporate it into the struggle for fundamental social change. The EZLN, the Zapatistas in Mexico, for example, have firmly and effectively tied their calls for Indian autonomy in Chiapas to the struggle against globalization. The old Yugoslavia under Tito managed to succesfully accomodate the interests of all the nationalities by preseving a careful balance between encouraging local cultural expression and the cult to a "ethnicity-blind" progressive society, and by trying to spread economic development more equitably across all the republics of the Federation. Thus, hard currency earned by Slovenian industry or Croatian tourism was also used to finance services in poorer regions like Kosovo and Macedonia. While it is true that Tito's internal security forces also used heavy-handed methods to repress those whose's nationalists sentiments seemsed to cross the line into separatism, the fact remains that as long as effective, albeit limited, local self-government was in force AND the economic policies of the federation translated themselves into a decent standard of living for ALL the peoples of Yugoslavia, there was little interest among average Croats, or Bosniaks, or Kosovars, for independence. The death of Tito, however, showed how fragile this accomodation really was, and how the personal interests of leaders like Tujman (whose actions undoubtedly finished off any life left in the old Yugoslav federation) and Milosevic (who added fuel to the fire with his infamous speech at the ancient battlefied of Kosovo) could wreck what decades of hard work and good intentions tried to create: a true multi-ethnic, multi-cultural socialist state. I am fully aware of the history of animosity among the peoples of the Balkans, with competing claims over the same land, and all seeking redress for ancient massacres or conquest. The Serbs & Montenegrins still resent the 14th century Turkish conquest of their homeland, and the centuries of Ottoman rule they suffered. However, they seem to forget the devastation wrecked by their ancestors when THEY invaded the Balkans early in the Middle Ages, destroying Byzantine cities and massacring the local inhabitiants (who, by the way, included the Illirians, one of the ancestors of modern-day Albanians). Croats resented Serb occupation of the Krajina, but failed to acknowledge the ethnic cleansing of Serbs, Jews & Gyspsies carried out by the Ustasha. Kosovars trace the source of their current problems to the fact that at the end of the Balkan Wars of 1911-1913 Serbia & Greece created Albania as a compromise among the victors, but failed to include Kosovo, recently "liberated" from Turkish rule, into the new country; however, the Kosovars & Albanians faile to mention their role as enforcers of Ottoman rule over Serbs & Croats, and the many depredations carried out by Albanian irregulars agaist Serbia during that country's war of independence and decades of localized raiding that took place until the end of the Balkan Wars. We can continue to dredge up historial wrongs to justify one nationalism over the other, but the fact remains that it is only when CURRENT grievances are left unattended, that radical nationalists use this history of past injustices to justify violent action. In Kosovo, Albanians & Serbs lived side by side in peace, not only during the period of old Yugoslavia, but even during the centuries of Ottoman rule and even during the inter-war decades of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, despite it's strong pro-Serb tilt. As long as the Albanian Kosovars were left alone, there was little conflict. It was only after the unraveling of Yugoslavia and the actions of Mileosevic that affected the day-to-day lives of average Albanians, that the Kosovars began to oppose Serb rule. The economic decline of Kosovo (as well as all of Serbia) under Milosevic is well documented, as well as the fact that Kosovars where drafted into the Serb army to be used in Croatian & Bosnian wars, wars in which they had little at stake. Yes, people will point out that economic harships where caused by NATO & EU sanctions, & the wars by Croat & Bosniak nationalists, but the fact remains that the average Albanian had no say nor stake in the actions by, or reactions to, Milosevic's Serb nationalism. Milosevic failed to make a case to the Kosovars of why they would be better off in Greater Serbia: perhaps because there was no case to makeat all! Once again I want to stress that my arguments in no way constitute an endorsement of NATO's actions in Kosovo, or the current UN adminsitration of the region. In my estimation, thse two are but the unfortunate consequences of a long list of events that began the day the Kosovars, both as individuals and as a distinct minority within the Serb Republic, realized that their economic well-being, the safety of their children and the preservation of their way of life were all threatened by the policies of Belgrade. Milosevic disregarded the Kosovar's interests when he pursued his policies; the Kosovars in turn felt free to sever their allegaince to that same government.
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