There are a couple typos in Michael's post below, but it nicely skewers
the review Mark has just fwd to the list. I would like to think that
when neoclassicals feel it necessary to lie about Marxist works rather
than ignore them it indicates that in an old phrase, the shoe is
pinching somewhere.

Carrol

-------- Original Message --------
Subject: [PEN-L:8824] A request for your critique
Date: Wed, 07 Mar 2001 15:31:44 -0800
From: Michael Perelman <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]

I just whipped off a response to a
negative review of a book of mine.  I
finally show it to you for comments
before I submitted it.  I will probably
send it off tomorrow morning show any
quick reviews would be appreciated.


Greg Clark gave my book, The Invention
of Capitalism, a good-natured, but
dismissive review.  Perhaps merely
associating me with Karl Marx or Chico
Marx is enough to write off my book for
some people.

Greg offered a more substantial
critique, rebuking me for criticizing
the classical political economists for
not mentioning the Game Laws.  Taken out
of context, my position might seem
rather silly, since the Game Laws might
seem to be an obscure concern, hardly
worth any notice.  At the time, however,
the Game Laws were having a profound
effect on society.

The Game Laws prohibited farmers from
bothering animals that ate their grain.
For example, in the 1840s, game
destroyed an estimated quarter of the
crops of Buckinghamshire (Horn 1981,
179).  Wealthy hunters were permitted to
chase their prey across farmers'
fields.  One fox hunt had numerous
horsemen trampling crops on a 28 mile
ride.  One can only imagine the immense
destruction of crops.

The Game Laws had a human dimension as
well.  In Wiltshire alone, more than
1,300 persons were imprisoned under the
Game Laws in the fifteen years after the
battle at Waterloo in 1815, more than
twice the number for the previous fifty
years (Munsche 1980, 138).  Between 1820
and 1827, nearly a quarter of those
committed to prison were convicted of
poaching (Shaw 1966, 155).  The number
of convictions was undoubtedly
understates because the Justices of the
Peace who heard cases frequently
neglected to record them (Hay 1975,
192).

Poaching was taken so seriously that it
was, on occasion, even equated with
treason.  The British courts enforced
these laws with shocking ferocity.
Several poachers were actually executed
under the famous Black Acts (E. P.
Thompson 1975, 68).

The Corn Laws also caught up innocent
people.  Wealthy landowners installed
lethal spring guns and man traps to
protect their game from poachers.  Many
of the victims of these instruments were
children just playing outside.

This Game Laws created far more damage
than the Corn Laws, which agitated many
political economists of the time.  Why,
then, did the classical political
economists spill so much ink regarding
the Corn Laws and let the Game Laws pass
unnoticed?  For Clark, questioning this
lack of interest on the part of the
classical political economists seemed
frivolous, or worse, an indication that
I was indulging in some sort of
Roswellian conspiracy theory. [see below
in Clark's review]

In truth, no conspiracy was necessary.
While the Corn Laws seemed to threaten
profits, the Game Laws augmented them.
By depriving people of a traditional
food source and requiring them to
purchase substitutes on the market,
forced people into labor markets,
holding down wages.

Perhaps, I am being uncharitable in
attributing class interest to the
political economists.  In fact, I found
a curious pattern among the writings of
the classical political economists.
While in their theoretical works they
often praised the natural efficiencies
of markets, in their letters and diaries
and less theoretical works, they took a
keen interest in finding ways to
manipulate conditions in the
countryside.  Sometimes, such interests
crept into their theoretical work as
well, as in the case of Ricardo, the
great opponent of the Corn Laws, who
worried that the price of food was too
low in Ireland because Irish people
could get by too easily without engaging
in wage labor.

On many occasions, I have learned a
great deal from Greg Clark's writings.
I do not always agree with his
conclusions, but I regard him as very
knowledgeable.  Generally, Greg defends
markets as being beneficial.  I would
expect him to find my book uncongenial
just as I do not always accept his
findings.  Rather than to claim that I
have been wronged in any way, I believe
that it is best to leave the verdict up
to other readers.


Published by EH.NET (March 2001)

Michael Perelman, _The Invention of
Capitalism: Classical Political
Economy and the Secret History of
Primitive Accumulation_. Durham,
NC: Duke University Press, 2000. 412 pp.
2,95 (paper), ISBN:
0-8223-2491-1; 4.95 (cloth), ISBN:
0-8223-2454-7.

Reviewed for EH.NET by Gregory Clark,
Department of Economics,
University of California-Davis.
<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>


One of our popular diversions here in
California is "channeling" the
thoughts of those who have passed on to
the spirit world. Michael
Perelman has seemingly by these methods
made contact with Karl Marx
himself. For his book is a lively
polemic directed at the Classical
political economists, full of
allegations of double dealing and bad
faith, that the master himself would
have been proud to deliver. Marx
lives. He lives in Chico, California.

Perelman interprets Classical political
economy as a political
program in search of an intellectual
justification. Classical
economists wanted to promote the
interests of the new capitalist
class. To this end the Classical system
celebrated the virtues of the
free market. But free markets were of no
use if the capitalist class
could not recruit the wage slaves they
needed for their factories. So
Classical economists simultaneously
promoted intervention in markets
to strip the peasantry and handicraft
workers of the vestiges of
their independence and reduce them to
the wage labor. They advocated
in Marx's terms (or at least in the
terms of Marx's English
translators) "primitive accumulation" as
necessary to make a market
economy. But they did not advocate this
openly: thus the "secret
history of primitive accumulation." Free
competition was optimal,
unless it produced an independent
peasantry unwilling to submit to
wage labor. "While energetically
promoting their laissez-faire
ideology, they championed time and again
policies that flew in the
face of their laissez-faire principles"
(pp. 2-3).

Exhibit A in Perelman's indictment of
the Classical mob is the case
of the Game Laws. The Game Laws banned
the landless and small owners
in the countryside from taking game
animals. Thus in England by the
laws of 1670 to take game even on your
own land a person had to meet
a very substantial property
qualification. In both England and
Scotland these laws became more severe
as the eighteenth century
progressed, and more people were
convicted under the laws. Why, asks
Perelman, did the new capitalist class
and their PR agents, the
Political Economists, support these
feudal restrictions in favor of
the country squires? They did so because
it took away the sources of
support that kept the poor in the
countryside from the factory door.
They did so because a hunting peasant
was an idle peasant and an
insolent peasant, not a docile and
dependable worker.

That is the Perelman claim. What is his
evidence? The main evidence
that Classical political economy
promoted the game laws to dispossess
the peasantry is their almost complete
silence on the subject! Adam
Smith, "that great master of capitalist
apologetics" (p. 49), was,
writes Perelman, the only Classical
Economist to ever mention the
Game Laws. Smith, however, condemned the
game laws as a feudal relic,
noting that "The reason they give is
that the prohibition is made to
prevent the lower sort of people from
spending their time on such
unprofitable employment; but the real
reason is that they delight in
hunting" (p. 50). In light of this
Perelman concludes this discussion
by noting generously that "Although
Smith refuses to acknowledge any
association between the Game Laws and
the interests of capital, he
deserves some credit for broaching the
subject, since all other
political economists failed to make any
mention whatsoever" (p. 51).

Since Classical writers cunningly
concealed their support and
promotion of the Game Laws by not
discussing them, or pretending to
be opposed to them, their guilt is
established by the silence of
their friends in Parliament on the
issue. "When Parliament debated
the Game Laws again in 1830, not one
prominent spokesperson for
political economy called for their
abolition" (p. 54). The
alternative hypothesis, that Classical
economists really thought the
Game Laws were a feudal relic too minor
to bother with, is not
explored.

Exhibit B in the indictment of the
Classical mob is their treatment of
household "self provisioning" or as
Perelman also refers to it
"the social division of labor." Here
again we know of their bad faith
in this matter in the contrast between
their obvious desire to
destroy self-provisioning and force all
workers into the market and
their public silence on the issue. Thus
"Smith, insofar as he
addresses the subject, treated the
social division of labor as the
result of voluntary choices on the part
of free people" (p. 90). On
the other hand any random statement by
anyone criticizing sloth or
indiscipline by independent producers is
sign of a plan to
eliminating independence and create a
proletariat.

It is true that Classical economists
often wrote about the indolence
of the poor and of smallholders. But was
this casual moralizing just
a relic of earlier modes of discourse,
on the way to a more
systematic way of thinking about the
economy? Here I read their
general silence on the issue very
differently. It is the silence that
shows that concern with forcing the poor
to labor for wages was a
peripheral element of their system.
Perelman, has to transform this
casual silence into a much more sinister
conspiracy to conceal. The
book makes little progress in that
direction. Indeed the bold links
drawn on the most tenuous of evidence
are one thing that
distinguishes the Chico Marx from the
original. Those connections are
so bold that this book might better be
placed on the shelf with the
"grassy knoll" and "Roswell" genres.

As a historian who has written on
England in the Industrial
Revolution period I have a more innocent
interpretation of the
Classical conspiracy of silence on the
alleged expropriation of the
peasantry. This is that the process
whereby independent peasants and
artisans became wage laborers was
already largely complete in England
by the time the Classical economists
arrived on the scene in the
eighteenth century. Their silence on the
issue is a silence of true
indifference. They had no need to
conspire in the expropriation of
the means of subsistence by capitalists,
because a free labor market
was in place. The issue of common
rights, access to land, and
self-provisioning had been settled in
favor of wage labor by 1700 in
all but the rural fastnesses of the
Scottish highlands. Even before
the formal Parliamentary enclosure
movement of 1750 and later common
rights had mainly become private
tradable rights of access unlikely
to be owned by the poorest workers.
Truly common areas with free
access were limited and of little value
(see Leigh Shaw-Taylor, "Did
Agricultural Laborers Have Common
Rights?" forthcoming, _Journal of
Economic History_, and "Labourers, Cows,
Common Rights and
Parliamentary Enclosure: The Evidence of
Contemporary Comment, c.
1760-1810" forthcoming, _Past and
Present_).

Perelman, like Marx, suffers from a
wildly romantic vision of a
pre-industrial England of laughter and
leisure that accords little
with reality. Marx had the excuse that
he was writing at a time when
little was known about that past.


Gregory Clark is Professor of Economics
at the University of California, Davis.

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--

Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
Chico, CA 95929

Tel. 530-898-5321
E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]

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