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Impeached POTUS

Starr Pursues More Oval Office "Groping"

Julie Hiatt Steele indicted

THE independent counsel Kenneth Starr is reviving his pursuit of Bill
Clinton for allegedly fondling a 51-year-old socialite from a prominent
Virginia Democratic family when she visited him at the White House,
asking for help, in November 1993.
Kathleen Willey has told of how the President embraced her in the Oval
Office and lured her to his adjoining study to grope her breasts. She
said: "I just could not believe the recklessness of that act."

It emerged yesterday that Mr Starr is now building a solid case,
indicating that he thinks Mr Clinton perjured himself about Mrs Willey.
Republican prosecutors in the Senate impeachment trial said they now
wanted to call Mrs Willey as one of their witnesses to bolster their
case against the President.

Towards the end of Mr Clinton's four-hour evidence to a federal grand
jury on Aug 17, Mr Starr's deputy, Jackie Bennett, homed in on Mrs
Willey's claim. The President's tone changed abruptly. Instead of
carefully parsing his answers and looking shifty, as happened during the
Lewinsky cross-examination, he was almost defiant. Asked if he made
sexual advances towards Mrs Willey, he said: "That's false." Questioned
about specific acts alleged by the woman, he said: "I did not" and "No,
I didn't."

He then said: "Mr Bennett, I didn't do any of that, and the questions
you're asking, I think, betray the bias of this operation that has
bothered me for a long time. She was not telling the truth."

However, yesterday Mr Starr obtained grand jury indictments against a
former friend of Mrs Willey, Julie Hiatt Steele, 52, charging her with
lying to the jury in the Lewinsky investigation, and obstructing
justice.

Mrs Steele is being drawn into the affair because a television producer,
Bill Poveromo, has insisted that she told him "the President had groped"
Mrs Willey, and that she knew about it "right after it happened". She
also supported Mrs Willey's account in what she said was an
"off-the-record" interview in 1997 with a Newsweek reporter. However,
she later retracted the statement.

The indictment alleged that the retraction was a lie, which Mrs Steele
provided under oath last February in a deposition in the Paula Jones
sexual harassment lawsuit against the President. The charges are a
severe blow to the White House, which fears that Mr Starr might be
putting pressure on Mrs Steele to become a witness against the
President.

Aides have tried desperately to paint Mrs Willey as too unstable to be
believed. They were helped by the crime novelist Patricia Cornwell, who
lives near her in Richmond, Virginia. Apparently enraged that the author
had defected from the Democratic Party to the Republicans, taking with
her a $10,000 campaign contribution, Mrs Willey visited her home,
leaving a pile of books and a vicious letter on the doorstep.

If Mrs Willey becomes a Senate witness, she might be even more riveting
than Miss Lewinsky. She claims that the President "put my hand on his
genitals". He was "aroused" and grabbed her breasts, she alleges. As she
drew away "I recall him saying he had wanted to do that for a long
time".

Senate prosecutors are interested in her evidence to a Washington grand
jury in which, according to Newsweek, she told of a two-day visit to the
estate of Nathan Landow, a wealthy Democratic ally of the President. She
said he repeatedly pressed her about her version of the encounter,
telling her: "Don't say anything."

Of Mrs Willey, the President has said that she came to him because she
was upset about domestic problems. He said that he was simply comforting
her, he said: "I embraced her. I put my arms around her. There was
nothing sexual about it."

Mrs Willey, whose lawyer husband Edward shot himself on the day of the
encounter because of financial problems, said that all she had wanted
was to change her job as a White House volunteer to a paid member of the
staff. Her marriage was in ruins and she was facing a desperate
financial situation.

The London Telegraph, Jan. 8, 1999


The Politics of Lying

French See Danger in Too Much Truth

"Lying gets a good press"

PARIS - ''Truths!'' Charles de Gaulle is supposed to have shouted. ''Did
you think I could have created a (Free French) government against the
English and the Americans with truths? You make History with ambition,
not with truths.''
The quote is from a new book by Thierry Pfister, a French editor, who
uses it to illustrate his thesis that for the French mind, lying in
politics is the norm, and that anyone trying to attach a standard of
truthfulness to a politician's behavior is naive and worthy of contempt.
The general, he suggests, said as much.

This is part of Mr. Pfister's explanation of why he believes the French,
and particularly France's elites, do not understand how President Bill
Clinton could be impeached. He says that the French elite is terrified
by the case's implications for its privileges, and that this is the
reason, much more than in other democratic countries, that the yearlong
reaction here to the impeachment process has been one of ridicule,
self-satisfied righteousness, and feigned concern for the future of the
United States.

For the French elite, Mr. Pfister maintains, ''there are virtually no
consequences for lying. It's O.K.''

Certainly nowhere in or outside the United States has the handling of
the Clinton-Lewinsky scandal been held up as a model of civic procedure.
But in France, the circumstances are seen, Mr. Pfister says, as an
ongoing means to contrast ''a reactionary American puritanism against
progressive French tolerance.''

This week, while CNN's commentators were talking about the solemnity of
the opening public proceedings in the Senate, the anchorman on the
France 3 state television news at 11 P.M. was describing it as ''a
lamentable show.'' In a Page One editorial accompanying the Clinton
trial, Le Figaro cried out, ''Wake up, Tocqueville, they've gone mad.
When you look at the distressing spectacle that American democracy is
offering, you say to yourself that the man who described it best must
not be very comfortable up there in the heavens.''

For Mr. Pfister, who served as spokesman for former Prime Minister
Pierre Mauroy in President Francois Mitterrand's first Socialist
government and as a writer for Le Monde and Le Nouvel Observateur
magazine, there is more political lying in France than in other
democracies because its democratic culture is weaker. In this context,
he said in an interview, a historical climate of lies involving the
reaction of the French to the Nazi occupation, the French colonial war
in Algeria, and the corruption of the Mitterrand years, makes Bill
Clinton's vulnerability for alleged lying under oath an almost
otherworldly matter here.

''That's why the situation is incomprehensible for French public
opinion,'' Mr. Pfister wrote. ''Punishing lies - what naivete!''

Among its officials, ''France has a cult of lying,'' Mr. Pfister
insists.

''With us, lying gets a good press,'' he said. ''Some see it as a Latin
characteristic, others as the sign of a superior civilization.'' He
said, ''Attempting to limit its use makes you look ridiculous. Playing
Don Quixote is the equivalent of confronting standard social usage,
discussed from time to time, but never really brought into question.''

No particular fan of an American model, Mr. Pfister describes the
investigation of Mr. Clinton by Kenneth Starr as partisan, inspired by
the right wing of the Republican Party, and using inquisition-like
methods.

But he goes after the notion that there was some kind of elegance or
refinement in the political circumstances that allowed Mr. Mitterrand to
keep his double family life from public knowledge, at the same time that
he published innocuous health bulletins that hid his developing cancer.
The French were treated not so much as citizens, but infantile subjects,
the writer said.

If it was fine that the French hardly seemed disturbed on learning about
Mr. Mitterrand's second family after his death, Mr. Pfister argued ''it
is nonetheless unacceptable that the news was delivered to them so
late.''

''The reality is that it is this contempt, this institutional
dissimulating that is being defended by everyone running to Bill
Clinton's defense.''

Mr. Pfister singled out the Socialist president of the foreign affairs
commission of the National Assembly, Jack Lang, as an example of the
French public and media figures who were expressing shock about a
so-called re-birth of McCarthyism in the United States, while their
concerns, he said, were obviously elsewhere.

''It's not the drift of the American system that concerns them, but the
risk of contamination. Suppose they were required tomorrow to give
explanations?''

''The Americans, British, Germans, Spanish, they all know that things
can turn around against them, and that exercising responsibilities
involves risks. Explanations are demanded of them, even on their private
lives if they become controversial. That's the price that Clinton is
paying because it's the price of democracy.''

Mr. Pfister's book, ''Lettre Ouverte aux Gardiens du Mensonge'' (Open
Letter to the Keepers of the Lie) is published by Albin Michel.

International Herald Tribune, Jan. 8, 1999


Information SuperSpyWay

RSA Moves Down Under to Escape Export Restrictions

But Australia signed Wassenaar

A leading supplier of data-scrambling software opened an Australian
branch office Wednesday to bypass US export restrictions and secure the
talents of two renowned software engineers.
Brisbane-based cryptographers Eric Young and Tim Hudson now form the
core of RSA Data Security Australia. The branch plant will allow the
company to more easily sell its security-software components to foreign
companies.

"[The Australian facility] is a harbinger of the way the world is
changing," said Scott Schnell, senior vice president of marketing for
RSA Data Security, based in San Mateo, California. "What we have just
done allows us to compete on an equal technological footing with all the
other companies that have sprung up internationally."

The new office could also send the message to Washington that current US
Commerce Department regulations prohibiting the export of strong
encryption are outdated and short-sighted.

Federal regulations forbid US software companies from exporting strong
encryption technologies on the grounds that they might be used by
terrorists to conceal their plans. The policy has long frustrated US
firms that see the rule as pointless, because they say it has created an
unfair playing field in the electronic-commerce age.

The firms say that the rules have fostered a thriving overseas
cryptography industry. The Australian government has historically been
liberal with crypto exports. Software developed Down Under by Australian
citizens such as Young and Hudson can be exported and used all over the
world.

Young is renowned in the software industry for developing an open-source
version of Secure Sockets Layer, or SSL, the crypto scheme that plugs
into Microsoft Internet Explorer and Netscape Communicator to make the
programs safe for online shopping.

That open-source code library, SSLeay, underlies many software programs,
including the California-based C2Net's Stronghold Web server and the
Mozilla Web browser. Both Young and Hudson worked for C2Net until late
last summer, in an arrangement that more or less guaranteed the free
software code would remain robust.

"We had Tim and Eric on our payroll in order to foster the development
of SSLeay," said Steve Cook, vice president of sales and marketing for
C2Net. "Now that RSA has turned the corner on that issue we will let
someone else underwrite them."

With Young and Hudson now working for RSA, SSLeay will be shepherded by
a group of a few dozen volunteer developers, in the same way that the
Apache Web browser was developed.

Dave Del Torto, director of the CryptoRights Foundation, said that RSA
was less interested in the SSLeay open-source software code and more
interested in having aboard two of the world's leading minds in
cryptography.

"Really they wanted the engineering talent more than that particular
library," he said. "It's wonderful. Tim and Eric are extremely talented
guys who will go on to do great things."

But the pair may not always operate in a favorable political climate.
Last year, an Australian defense department official threatened to
prosecute the programmers under that country's Weapons of Mass
Destruction Act. That threat was later dropped.

More menacing, del Torto said, is the fact that last month Australia
signed on to the Wassenaar Arrangement, a global arms treaty that
recommends tighter restrictions on crypto software. While the exact
rules were left at the discretion of the 33 nations that signed the
treaty, del Torto said that the agreement was a bad omen for crypto,
which maintains privacy all over the world.

"I am extremely concerned about the whole thing, and a lot of people
are," he said. "Wassenaar is a really clever end-run by the US
government to try and lock a bunch of developed countries into their way
of doing things."

Wired News, Jan. 6, 1999


Single Currency

The Euro's First Week

And the worrying U.S. current account deficit


Everything is the same but different. In one sense, the launch of the
euro on to the world's foreign exchange markets this week did not change
very much. The 11 euro-zone currencies were, after all, closely
synchronised already, and short-term interest rates in most of the
countries had been converging for more than two years.


Wim Duisenberg, president of the European Central Bank, emphasised the
continuity on Thursday when he announced that euro interest rates would
stay at 3 per cent - the level fixed before the launch - for "the
foreseeable future".


As if to confirm the impression that the launch of the euro was no big
deal, foreign exchange markets switched their attention after its first
day of trading to the yen, driving it up to almost 110 to the dollar at
one point. This was some 32 per cent above its low point last August,
and high enough to revive anxieties about Japanese recovery.


The rising yen also focuses attention on the sources of potential
weakness for the dollar and the dangers that they pose for the world
economy.


Yet the euro is far from being a ringside spectator in a tussle between
the US and the Japanese currencies. Its emergence has changed the global
financial landscape profoundly, even if this week's performance did not
give much indication of its future role as a heavyweight alternative to
the dollar.


There are several reasons why the euro could strengthen. In trade
weighted terms the "synthetic" euro, calculated from the 11 member
currencies, has gained 19 per cent from the beginning of last year. In
comparison with the other two main currencies, a continuation of this
strength looks rational.


The dollar is increasingly vulnerable to a ballooning trade deficit, or
a sudden change from exuberance to pessimism in Wall Street - perhaps
both.




------------------------------------------------------------------------

Worrying aspects


The US current account deficit, expected to be about $230bn (£137bn) for
1998, is now heading back to the unsustainable levels that caused such
alarm in the late 1980s. This year it will be about 3 per cent of gross
domestic product, compared with 3.6 per cent at its previous record in
1987.


There are two worrying aspects to this trend. First, the external
deficit is clearly linked to a soaring US stock market that reached new
highs this week. These gains have persuaded Americans to run down their
savings while continuing to spend at a high level. But this will not go
on indefinitely: asset prices cannot be expected to rise at recent very
rapid rates for much longer, and there is increasing unease that the
market is overvalued.


Second, the trade deficit, exacerbated by the consumer boom, is now
matched by a rising net debt to foreigners. This already represents 16
per cent of GDP. On present trends it would double by 2003.




------------------------------------------------------------------------

External deficit


Just to complete the inventory of danger signals, US oil imports, now
running at 10m barrels per day, make the country much more vulnerable
than a decade ago to any world price increase. A return to $20 per
barrel oil, for example, would add $30bn to the US's already
over-stretched external deficit.


It may be that the rest of the world (including the Japanese, who hold a
fifth of US Treasury securities) will continue to finance this deficit.
But a change of sentiment by lenders or equity holders or both could put
strong pressure on the dollar.


Meanwhile any further appreciation of the yen would douse the already
faint embers of Japanese economic recovery. The authorities must now
pump large quantities of liquidity into the economy. A weakening dollar
might allow them to do this without a collapse of the yen, but in any
case, they have it in their power to stop it rising.


A combination of dollar weakness and official action to cap the yen
could give a strong boost to the euro, especially if the ECB were to
continue to show itself reluctant to cut interest rates.


Would this be a desirable outcome? Exports from the zone would come
under pressure. But with weak demand in Asia and the US running a large
deficit, there is little chance that Europe can export its way out of
its unemployment problems. The health of its own economy, and to some
extent that of the rest of the world, must depend on domestic growth.


However, upward pressure on the euro, if it materialises, would add to
the deflationary forces in Europe, and might bring it close to the
dangerous spiral of falling prices that afflicts Japan. The euro-zone is
not as vulnerable to such deflation as Japan. But in conjunction with
the uncertainties that beset the dollar and the US economy, the dangers
are real enough. The ECB should do all it can to stimulate growth before
it is too late.

The Financial Times, Jan. 8, 1999
-----
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris

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