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"Government Crimes Against We the People"

Dear Citizens and Patriots:

     This is a very important post on Goverment Crimes  Against We the People.
Thanks to [EMAIL PROTECTED] (David R. Terry, Sr.) for forwarding this post
by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.

USCMike1

Subj:    Fwd: The criminal state
Date:   99-01-19 00:51:45 EST
From:   [EMAIL PROTECTED] (David R. Terry, Sr.)
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JANUARY 18 1999

The criminal state
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.

The greatest threat to American prosperity, privacy, and
private property is not private crime but government
policy, or what might be called public crime. In
proposing an added $1.3 billion (in one year) in its
"100,000 cops-on-the-beat" program, the Clinton
administration is seeking to unleash the power of
government to intrude even more into our lives, which is
a crime in its own right.

Private crime has been falling for a decade primarily
because Americans have learned to deter it and work
around it. Alarm systems in our homes and cars have
become highly sophisticated. Gun ownership is more
widespread than it has been in decades. When out on a
stroll, we know what areas to avoid. When possible, we
move to low-crime areas or purchase homes in gated
communities.

All these are market-driven responses to persistent
crime threats, and have nothing to do with the federal
government. The effectiveness of these private solutions
is proof that the free market can make provisions for
personal security. Political theorists and economists who
have always said otherwise are wrong.

And what a contrast with government's promise of
security, which too often results in the opposite. For
example, criminal-coddling liberals say they are
protecting us from crime by making it more difficult to
purchase a gun when we need one. But this only makes
us more vulnerable when trying to fend off lawless
intruders, whether they come from a criminal gang or a
federal agency.

Yes, we've learned how to protect ourselves against
most private crimes. But defending ourselves against
public crimes perpetuated by government is much more
difficult. If the Clinton proposal is passed, when the FBI
decides to tap phones, investigate local businesses, shut
down health food stores, confiscate firearms, or assign
spies to monitor grassroots political groups, it will have
more agents on the ground to do its bidding.

All these actions are official crimes in this sense: they
invade private property and violate rights but do so in
the name of the public policy. Another examples:
Clinton proposes raising cigarette taxes by 50 cents a
pack, a sure act of outright theft. But because he
proposes using a government agency to do it, it is called
policy, not crime. There is no way for smokers to avoid
getting fleeced without resorting to black markets.

If a hacker breaks into our bank records to examine our
spending habits, we call the cops to nab the interloper.
But when government does the same thing, it says it is
merely enforcing "know your customer" regulations.
And if we try to protect ourselves against this
unconstitutional financial snooping, we are suspected as
smurfers and money launderers.

Government gets away with perpetuating the moral
equivalent of crime because its actions are wrapped in
the garb of legality. For example, when the social
worker takes children out of a home because of mere
rumors of "abuse," the bureaucrat is not called a
kidnapper but a humanitarian. When the Federal
Reserve inflates the money supply and diminishes the
value of our savings, it is not called counterfeiting but
monetary policy.

The new policemen that Clinton proposes will rope
cities and states deeper into the federal orbit. Already,
the local police are heavily beholden to the federal cops.
If the feds tell the police to arrest abortion protesters
and beef up security at the local abortuary, they have to
obey. If there comes a time when the feds decide to
declare martial law -- and who doubts that they would
jump at any excuse -- Clinton's "cops on the beat" will
be the frontline enforcement crew.

Even on the international level, no one is safe from the
criminal actions of U.S. government policy. Indeed,
U.S. foreign policy increasingly resembles the lawless
behavior of a rogue state. We were told that U.S. air
raids on Iraq last month were directed only at official
buildings and sites. But a new U.N. report, buried by
the U.S. media, reveals that the U.S. government has as
little regard for foreign private property as it does for
domestic.

The bombs damaged an agricultural school and at least
a dozen other schools and hospitals (including a
maternity hospital and an outpatient clinic). It wiped out
the water supplies for 300,000 people in Baghdad.
Bombs destroyed an important steel factory, and
smashed a rice storehouse in Tikrit, north of Baghdad.
In the Kurdish north, an entire secondary school was
blown to smithereens.

There is a reason why international law has traditionally
forbidden these kinds of tactics. They are worse than
uncivilized. They are the actions of a terror state. And
coming on the heels of the senseless destruction of a
pharmaceutical factory in the Sudan, they illustrate why
the U.S. government has taken its place as the most
hated institution in the world.

The Clinton administration has sacrificed more than
moral authority in six years of misrule. It has sacrificed
its credibility in claiming to be looking out for our best
interests. Isn't it time we subjected government officials
to the same moral standards to which we hold ordinary
citizens?

Suspecting there is more to Clinton's COPS program
than the desire for safety, the Republican Congress is
considering cutting it to the bone. It should. Then it
should curb government power to spy on, rob, and
otherwise aggress against the person and property of
Americans and anyone else in the world. The framers
never intended to erect a criminal state.

Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr. is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama.
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