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Australian troops placed on alert for intervention in neighbouring
countries

East Timor, Indonesia, PNG suggested as possible targets

By Mike Head
13 March 1999

Citing regional instability and the possible need to send soldiers to East
Timor, the Howard government in Australia has decided to assemble a new
Ready Deployment Force of 3,000 combat troops in the northern city of
Darwin by June 30. The total number of Australian troops on high alert--a
28-day deployment alert--will be doubled to more than 7,000, the largest
figure since the Vietnam War.

The dispatch of heavily-armed units to Darwin, just 600 kilometres from
Timor, demonstrates concerns in the highest echelons of the government and
the military about the rapidly unravelling political crisis and social
unrest in East Timor and throughout Indonesia. Thursday's announcement
marks an acceleration of preparations for establishing a military presence
in East Timor, most likely as part of a United Nations force.

Amid hypocritical statements of concern for the people in East Timor and
other strife-torn areas of the Indonesian archipelago, military involvement
is being prepared that will aim to secure the economic and strategic
interests of Australian big business, including, in particular, the oil and
natural gas deposits in the Timor Sea.

While government and media commentators have downplayed suggestions of
sending armed troops to East Timor, the planned unit will be combat-ready
and equipped for fighting and patrolling in both urban and rural areas. To
cost $270 million, it will feature all the army's Leopard tanks and its
M113 armoured personnel carriers, most of the 100 eight-wheeled
light-armour vehicles, and Kiowa helicopters, as well as artillery,
infantry, engineering, reconnaissance and administrative support divisions.
For rapid deployment and assault, the force will have landing craft,
Hercules air transport and close air support. Paratroops are being
considered as well, according to the Vice-Chief of the Defence Force, Air
Marshal Doug Riding.

The new force will complement the existing Rapid Deployment Force, a full
army brigade on constant alert in the northern Queensland city of
Townsville. Supported in addition by other air and naval units, the two
brigades will be a highly mobile, front-line expeditionary force, boosting
the Australian military's capacity to intervene throughout the Asia-Pacific
region.

Making the announcement in parliament, Defence Minister John Moore said
East Timor was one of the government's concerns, but not the only one.
"This is the first occasion in over two decades that Australia has had the
equivalent of two brigades at this level of readiness," he said. "The
government's responsibility, and our intention, is to be in a position to
be able to respond effectively to a considerable range of possibilities."

A report in the Australian Financial Review revealed that the government's
fears of turmoil extend beyond Indonesia, and include Papua New Guinea
(PNG). "Canberra has fears about the future stability of Papua New Guinea
and potential dangers to thousands of Australians living there," wrote the
AFR's Geoffrey Barker.

Darwin, the closest Australian capital to Asia, could rapidly become a
major military post and staging ground for Australian and other major power
intervention in the region, with Portuguese, other European and American
forces likely to form a UN interim administration in East Timor. In
addition to Timor, official spokesmen have suggested various scenarios for
troop involvement, including the evacuation of Australians from Jakarta,
Ambon--now the scene of serious riots--and Port Moresby, and operations to
prevent a mass influx of refugees into Australia.

Speaking on commercial radio on Friday morning, Prime Minister John Howard
said his government was responding to a higher level of unpredictability in
the region, particularly in East Timor and Papua New Guinea. "We're not
under threat, but we know from the experience of the past few years that
Australian forces can properly and in a very beneficial way be called upon
to participate in peacekeeping and other roles," he said. "We've been in
Cambodia, we of course sent very elite forces to the Gulf--they weren't
needed--we've had people elsewhere in Namibia in recent times."

Howard's comments highlight how Australian participation in the war against
Iraq and in other UN operations has been utilised to prepare troops for
active combat and occupation duties, and also to condition public opinion
for wider military involvement closer to home. Already the government has
some 250 military personnel on the PNG island of Bougainville. They are
heading a 365-strong "peace-monitoring group" (with soldiers from New
Zealand, Fiji and Vanuatu), which is supervising the formation of a new
regional government, with a view to reopening the Rio Tinto-owned Panguna
copper mine--one of the largest in the world.

For more than three decades both the Liberal-National Party coalition,
currently in office, and the Labor Party, backed and helped equip the
military dictatorship in Indonesia as the best guarantor of stable
conditions in which multinational companies could exploit the mineral
wealth and cheap labour of the region. Former Labor Party prime minister
Paul Keating publicly referred to Suharto's 1965 military coup as the
greatest post-war contribution to regional stability. With Suharto's fall
and the inability of his handpicked successor, B. J. Habibie, to reliably
maintain order and profitable conditions, Australian ruling circles have
scrambled to adjust their political line, and their military capacity.

The Labor Party's defence spokesman, Steve Martin, immediately supported
the formation of the Darwin force, but criticised the government for not
providing the military with enough "teeth". He also urged the government to
give an in-principle commitment to take part in a UN effort in East Timor.
Recently, Labor's foreign affairs spokesman, Laurie Brereton called on the
government to assert a "leading role" in any UN contingent.

Under the banner of a UN "peacekeeping" operation, the Australian
authorities will be competing with those from Portugal--the colonial power
in East Timor for four centuries--and possibly American and other European
interests for economic and political hegemony over the tiny enclave. BHP,
Santos and other Australian oil and gas companies have multi-billion
drilling rights in the Timor Sea, and a potentially lucrative fine coffee
trade is also at stake.

The oil and gas mining rights derive from the 1989 Timor Gap Treaty between
Australia and Indonesia, a treaty that Portugal does not recognise and
indeed challenged before the International Court of Justice in the early
1990s. The Australian government has publicly indicated its desire to
cooperate with Portugal, yet if Indonesia withdraws from East Timor, the
territory reverts to Portuguese sovereignty, at least as far as the UN is
concerned. Canberra would use a substantial Australian military commitment
to insist on the protection of Australian corporate interests.

Prominent East Timorese spokesman Jose Ramos Horta welcomed the Australian
troop announcement but demanded that Canberra put pressure on Indonesia to
pull out of East Timor. At the same time, Horta has offered Portugal the
dominant economic influence in any East Timorese statelet. Speaking in
Melbourne on Thursday, he said East Timor would use the Portuguese
currency, the escudo, perhaps in conjunction with the Euro, during an
interim UN administration.

Horta has accused the Australian government of not telling the truth about
what is happening inside East Timor, where the Indonesian regime is
withdrawing doctors, medical supplies, food aid, teachers and
administrators, creating an acute social crisis. Independent reports also
indicate widespread hunger and the collapse of health facilities, as well
as continuing attacks by the Indonesian regime's militia.

If Australian and other troops are sent to East Timor it will most likely
be done under the claim of tackling a humanitarian disaster. This could
only be described as a shameless deception. Those dispatching the troops,
whether in Canberra, Lisbon or Washington, represent the very same
corporate interests as those who collaborated with the Suharto regime for
three decades, and supported, whether explicitly or tacitly, the 1975
invasion of East Timor. Any military intervention will be to enhance the
position and profits of the major powers. It will have nothing whatever to
do with meeting the needs and legitimate aspirations of the oppressed
masses in East Timor, Indonesia and Papua New Guinea to live free of
economic and political domination.

See Also:
A conspiracy against the East Timorese
UN intervention into East Timor being prepared
[5 March 1999]
Indonesia issues an "independence" ultimatum on East Timor
[3 February 1999]



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