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The following article is from New Dawn No. 53 (March-April 1999)

http://www.newdawnmagazine.com.au

                        *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *

Masterstroke: Who Benefits from World Economic Chaos

By SUSAN BRYCE

While the Packer and Murdoch controlled media keep Australians updated on
corrupt IOC officials and cricket scandals, and we digest the latest
information about the Clinton presidential penis over our soggy breakfast
corn flakes, the world economic crisis is pushed to the back of editorial
agendas. The International Monetary Fund is set to undergo some of the most
sweeping reforms in its history and the benefactors will be the world�s
largest financial institutions. Meanwhile the Australian government
slavishly pushes ahead with structural adjustments, fuelling the hungry
fires of the globalisation juggernaut as our hard won freedoms are traded
for the IMF�s economic disasters.

The myths of globalisation have been fully exposed and debunked in the wake
of the Asian financial collapse, the ongoing disintegration of the Russian
economy, and the recent shocks in Latin America. "Instead of economic
prosperity and social stability that it promised for all nations,
globalisation has brought economic turmoil, political and social tension,
and widespread devastation to the world�s peoples and resources."1

In the wash up from this debacle, the winners are the purveyors of
globalisation: the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and a group of about
six international banks. The world economic crisis being experienced at
present is a masterstroke for the funny money people at the IMF and a
financial coup d��tat for the international banks.


Basking in the glory of "saving" the Asian economies, the IMF is currently
waging a campaign based on fear of further economic calamity, to institute
a series of sweeping changes to its charter. The IMF wants an amendment to
its Articles of Agreement that would make promoting unfettered capital
movements one of the purposes of the IMF and to extend Fund jurisdiction
over such movements. This amendment would effectively give the IMF the
authority to regulate national investment policies, with an eye towards
eliminating any restrictions on capital flows. It is a back door attempt to
achieve the aims of the OECD inspired Multilateral Agreement on Investment
(MAI), which was stopped by citizen opposition.2

As part of its ongoing campaign to achieve these amendments, the Managing
Director of the IMF Michel Camdessus, is openly advocating increased trade
liberalisation, prodding countries to open up their economies, more than
ever before, to foreign capital. Camdessus told the National Press Club in
Washington on April 2, 1998, the IMF will encourage member countries "to
liberalise capital flows in a prudent and properly sequenced way that will
maximize the benefits and minimize the risks of freer capital movements. To
this end, work is under way on an amendment to the IMF�s charter that would
make the liberalization of capital movements one of the purposes of the
Fund, and extend its jurisdiction to capital movements," Camdessus said.

The premature liberalisation of capital markets pushed by the IMF is one of
the main causes of the Asian crisis. It was financial market "reform" that
allowed Thai, South Korean and Indonesian banks to tap into short-term
international loans in the early 1990s. Hundreds of billions of dollars in
loans flooded in as the factories of the Asian tiger economies increased
their exports to phenomenal levels, fuelling a decade of rapid growth.

Thailand, South Korea and Indonesia were left smothered in bad debts,
preventing companies from getting working capital to keep producing. When
the Thai baht was devalued by 40%,


the country�s unrepayable foreign debts, low level of foreign reserves,
heavy deficits and open financial exchanges spearheaded its decline into
economic abyss. South Korea and Indonesia suffered a similar fate. A cartel
of international banks including BankAmerica, Citibank, Chase Manhattan,
J.P. Morgan, Bankers Trust, Bank of New York, the First National Bank of
Chicago and Morgan Guaranty with upward of US$20 billion in loan exposures
in South Korea3,4, were bailed out to the tune of US$35 billion. The IMF
acted as a free insurance broker as the foreign loans of international
banks went bad.


The standard operating procedure of the IMF is to bail out Wall Street and
other lenders5, doling out harsh punishment to borrower countries,
socialising the risk and privatising the profits. The IMF�s Asian bailout
conditions were dependent upon stringent compliance to the Fund's economic
regime of Structural Adjustment Programmes. In return for the bailout,
Thailand, Indonesia and South Korea agreed to further open their economies
to foreign investors and allow unprecedented Foreign Direct Investment in
factories, agriculture, service operations (eg: tourism and banks), as well
as portfolio investment in stocks, bonds and currency. This policy enabled
the same cartel of international banks that were bailed out of the Asian
crisis, with only the slightest sacrifice, to buy up lucrative sectors of
the now suffering Asian economies.

After the Asian bailouts the IMF was left with approximately US$45 billion
in liquid capital, US$25 billion available through the General Arrangements
to Borrow, as well as the Fund's ability to borrow unlimited sums from
private capital markets. Despite these reserves, the IMF began lobbying the
US Congress to fast track a quota increase of US$14.5 billion, rather than
going through the regular budgetary process. The Fund argued that it needed
extra billions for other imminent financial crises. The IMF did not
elaborate on what the crises might be.6

The USA is the largest contributor to the IMF, providing approximately 18
per cent of funds, putting America in a unique position to wield influence.
Through its aid and trade policies, the US plays a fundamental role in
designing and financing Structural Adjustment Programs of the IMF. Starting
in the 1980s, the US began routinely conditioning its aid agreements on
acceptance of a package of economic reforms, and adherence to the
prescriptions of the IMF and World Bank.7 As these economic blackmail
measures continued, the political legitimacy of dozens of developing
countries was undermined as the IMF conspired with governments, influencing
them to legislate for US style free market reform.8


These tactics are also reflected in the now all too familiar IMF bailout
procedure. Firstly, the IMF�s negotiating positions are settled in
Washington, then the mission team goes to the client country to convey
Washington�s conclusions. Meanwhile, the financial markets wait
breathlessly to see whether the country will comply. The American
govern-ment repeats the mantra "Obey the IMF" and journalists assess the
"seriousness" of reforms according to whether countries bite the bullet to
carry out the IMF dictates.9

Jeffrey Sachs, professor of international trade at Harvard University and
director of the Harvard Institute for International Development, describes
the US role as "stage managing the transition to global capitalism"�
"America has wanted global leadership on the cheap. It was desperate for
the developing world and post-communist economies to buy into its vision,
in which globalisation, private capital flows and Washington�s advice would
overcome the obstacles to shared prosperity, so that pressures on the rich
countries to do more for the poor countries could be contained by the dream
of universal economic growth".10

With this vision, the USA would not have to shell out real money to help
the peaceful reconstruction of Russia; or to ameliorate the desperate
impoverishment and illness in Africa. In essence, America has tried to sell
its social ethos: The rich need not help the poor, since the poor can enjoy
rising living standards and someday become rich themselves.11 The argument
is simplistic and flawed. The IMF�s policies open up developing economies
to competition from large, often-subsidised, multinational corporations,
making transnational corporations richer, and often impoverishing or
bankrupting developing country businesses and workers.

SAPPING THE COUNTRY DRY

The IMF conditions its loans on the debtor nations adherence to Structural
Adjustment Programs (SAP) which suppos-edly stabilise economies and make
them more productive. SAPs are actually designed purely to maximise
extraction of profit from individual countries at the expense of all else.12


Structural adjustment usually begins with trade liberalisation and the
abolition of protection, quotas and tariffs. A devaluation of the currency
takes place, boosting the competitiveness of the export sector, making
exports cheap, with the aim of earning foreign exchange so Fund loans can
be repaid. Export industries and companies often receive subsidies and
preferential treatment (ironic, given the institutions� free trade bent).

Structural adjustment virtually always requires countries to reduce
government expenditures with the aim of balancing the budget. The
sacrificial lambs are health care, education, social security and other
programs that benefit the poor. The poor often lose services they are
dependent upon, as programmes are slashed and major sectors of the
government are privatised.

Some of the more obvious effects of SAPs are rising unemployment, job
insecurity, declining standards of living, business stagnation due to the
absence of mass purchasing power, tax changes, industrial "reform" and the
destruction of Trade Unions.

Readers in Australia should be very familiar with structural adjustment
policies. Witness the one third privatisation of Telstra at a cost of 25
000 jobs; the creation of Centrelink; the closure of the CES; the abolition
of Youth Allowance for under 18 year olds; the Kennett sell off of
Victorian Railways; the Productivity Commission�s proposal to cut tariffs
on footwear, clothing and textiles (which will cost up to 100 000 of the
lowest paid jobs in Australia); the sell off of electricity, water and gas
utilities across the country; a 40% reduction in the number of farms (so
empty have some country centres become, that businesses are closing, and
bank branches, schools, hospitals, rail, bus and other services are being
discontinued); not to mention the GST; the Workplace Relations Act; the
Wallis Report into banking recommending a complete overhaul of the banking
system to increase competition, foreign ownership and implement higher
consumer charges and the proposed free trade in farm products. The IMF has
praised the Australian government, comm-ending authorities for
implem-enting these "sound macro-economic policies and structural reforms".

The IMF�s Structural Adjustment medicine delivers other painful outcomes.
Typically, a regression of democracy occurs, as economic impositions by
governments cause increasing violations of human, economic, social and
cultural rights.

Political and civil rights violations become a fait accompli. The world�s
modest attempts at domestic democratic governance shrivel in the face of
the increasing power of international institutions like the IMF,
Transnational Corporations and international currency markets, as economic
marginalisation leads to political disempowerment.

For Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPCs), Structural Adjustment policies
spell even greater disaster. SAPs affect about 80 indebted developing
countries facing debt repayment problems. Should some of these countries
get out of the debt crisis and no longer require SAPs conditioned loans, or
should there be a change of government or government policies, the SAP
policies can be changed or reversed. Newly emerging businesses in poor
countries find it difficult, if not impossible, to compete in the world
market and large multinationals find it easy to enter a developing country
and take over economic sectors there. Author Michael Chossudovsky�s book
Global Poverty13 describes the process:

                ##Since the Debt crisis, the economic reforms imposed by the IMF and 
the
World Bank on developing countries have led to the impoverishment of
hundreds of millions of people. The economies of sovereign countries are
restructured and brought under the custody of external creditors. Applied
simultaneously in more than 100 countries, these reforms are conductive to
the development of a global cheap labour economy which feeds on human
poverty and the destruction of the natural environment.##


It is estimated that Structural Adjustment Programmes in Heavily Indebted
Poor Countries (HIPCs) are responsible for the deaths of some 6 million
children every year since 1982.14 As the victims are mostly poor people in
poor countries, there has been little public controversy over IMF policy.

The Heavily Indebted Poor Countries are a group of 41 developing nations15
that the IMF maintains in a condition of permanent subsistence. The IMF�s
21st Century "initiative" for the HIPCs is to cancel some of their debts,
after years of delay, but only to a point that leaves the country still in
the red. Post cancellation debt is meant to equal 200% of exports. These
"debt for export swaps" are then implemented along with standard IMF
Structural Adjustment Programmes, which means the HIPCs don�t collapse, but
they never get better.

The impacts of globalisation are hard to ignore. The gap between rich and
poor nations is widening, rather than narrowing, and there is a �no holes
barred� trend towards mergers and acquisitions.16 The 1996 Human
Development Report (HDR) launched by the UN Development Program reveals
that over the past 3 decades only 15 countries have enjoyed high growth
whilst 89 countries are worse off economically than they were 10 years ago.

The report reveals that out of the world�s total economic income, estimated
at US$23 trillion, only US$5 trillion (22%) goes to developing countries,
although almost 80% of the world�s population is housed there. Between 1960
and 1991, the richest 20% of the world�s people increased their share of
total global income from 70% to 85%. In 1996, just 358 people owned as much
wealth as half the world�s population, while the poorest 20% of people had
their share of "wealth" fall from 2.3% to 1.4%.

The IMF is group of unelected officials, a secretive organisation, with all
of its programs stamped confidential. Only since the Asian crisis has the
IMF, "an institution out of control",17 even made the headlines. While the
Fund advocates "transparency" for its client debtors18, the IMF itself, is
anything but transparent.

Transparency, IMF style, means that a country participating in IMF programs
has to open its books to IMF scrutiny, so that the Fund knows the who,
what, when, where, why and how of each debtor economy. Every single import
and export, every new mine opened, every ounce of gold sold, natural
resources, employment, unemployment, the volume of shares traded, public
and private borrowings etc., are made known to the IMF. In short, the
debtor country must tell the IMF everything, as part of what the IMF calls
its "surveillance" policy, whereby it keeps an eye on almost every sector
in society and then makes recommendations for change.

IMF Managing Director Michel Camdessus describes the IMF as the most
magnificent bureau-cracy, but a more apt description is provided by Mark
Weisbrot in his paper, "IMF Cure Worse than the Disease":

                ##�The IMF is the international financial equivalent of the CIA. Its
documents and proceedings are shrouded in secrecy, its bureaucracy is
unaccountable, it is blinded by ideology, and dedicated to protecting the
interests of the rich and powerful. And the Fund has probably toppled more
governments, democratically elected and otherwise, than the CIA" �19##

FOOTNOTES:

1. The joint statement of delegates at the 1998 International Conference on
Alternatives to Globalisation November 9, 1998, Tagaytay City, Philippines.


http://www.economicjustice.org/resources/action/alternativesconference.html

2. Testimony of Ralph Nader on the International Monetary Fund Before the
General Oversight and Investigations Subcommittee, House of Representatives
Committee on Banking and Financial Services, pp 1,
http://www.Citizen.org/public_citizen/pctrade/IMF/imf.htm

3. Ibid pp 3 � 4.

4. Over 53 banks were affected by the Asian crisis. The ones most affected
are listed in this article.


5. Another example occurred in 1995 when the IMF contributed $18 billion to
a Clinton administration bailout of Wall Street interests who stood to lose
billions with the Mexican peso devaluation.

6. The next currency crisis is likely to occur in Russia, notwithstanding
the fragility of China, Argentina, Columbia and Brazil. On January 9 this
year Russia warned that it could only pay half of its foreign debt
obligations and requested outside help. The Russian government budgeted
$9.5 billion for debt payments, while $17.5 billion was due. Repayments now
must be delayed, or Russia will default. Key among Russia�s creditors is
the IMF, which loaned Russia $7.9 billion during the Soviet era and $9.6
billion in loans after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

7. Friends of the Earth, 1998, "Structural Adjustment and the Environment:
Promoting Efficiency or Exploiting Natural Resources,

http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/50years_Enough/StructAdjust_environ.html

8. The head of Brazil�s Central Bank resigned recently, sending �shocks�
through international markets. The resignation was designed to coerce
procrastinating Brazilian legislators into passing a series of sweeping
reforms including major changes to social security, employment conditions
and the public service, that the IMF wanted.

9. Sachs, Jeffrey (1998), "Global Capitalism, Making it Work", The
Economist, September 21, 1998, pp 25 � 32.

10. Ibid, pp 25 � 26.

11. Ibid p 26.

12. Structural Adjustment Programs are literally true to their acronym:
SAPping the lifeblood out of the debtor country.

13. Chossudovsky, Michel, (1997), Global Poverty, Third World Network.

14. A former IMF economist quoted by Mark Weisbrot, Research Director at
the Preamble Centre for Public Policy and a Research Associate of the
Economic Policy Institute in Washington D.C, in his article "IMF Cure:
Worse than the disease",
http://www.citizen.org/public_citizen/pctrade/IMF/imf.htm

15. The 41 HIPCs identified by the IMF are: Angola, Benin, Bolivia, Burkina
Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Congo, C�te
d�Ivoire, Democratic Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Ghana,
Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Guyana, Honduras, Kenya, Lao PDR, Liberia,
Madagascar, Mali, Mauritania, Mozambique, Myanmar, Nicaragua, Niger,
Nigeria, Rwanda, S�o Tom� and Principe, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somalia,
Sudan, Tanzania, Togo, Uganda, Vietnam, Yemen, and Zambia

16. Transnational corporations around the world are currently merging and
consolidating their assets. As the world experiences more financial crises,
only the big companies will survive.

17. Testimony of Ralph Nader on the International Monetary Fund Before the
General Oversight and Investigations Subcommittee, House of Representatives
Committee on Banking and Financial Services, pp 1,
http://www.Citizen.org/public_citizen/pctrade/IMF/imf.htm

18. The IMF applauded the Howard Government and welcomed the Charter of
Budget Honesty for setting high standards of fiscal transparency and
accountability.

19. see (14).


Susan Bryce is an investigative journalist and researcher whose interests
include issues which affect individual freedom, environmental health,
surveillance technology and global politics. She publishes the Australian
Freedom & Survival Guide, available on subscription for $45 for 6
issues/year. Send cheque/cash/money order to Susan Bryce, PO Box 66,
Kenilworth, QLD 4574, or email [EMAIL PROTECTED]

____________________________________________________________
New Dawn Magazine,
GPO Box 3126FF, 
Melbourne, VIC 3001
AUSTRALIA
http://www.newdawnmagazine.com.au

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