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<A HREF="http://www.zolatimes.com/V3.13/pageone.html">Laissez Faire City Times
- Volume 3 Issue 13</A>
-----
The Laissez Faire City Times
March 29, 1999 - Volume 3, Issue 13
Editor & Chief: Emile Zola
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Toward a Unified Theory of William Jefferson Clinton

an answer to Edith Efron

by C.J. Barr




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Way back in the November 1994 issue of Reason, Edith Efron asked the
intriguing question: "Can the President Think?" Her conclusion was that
the president suffers from severe cognitive dysfunction and that the
resulting chaos of his mind accounts for the chaos in his
administration.

In her analysis, Clinton emerges as the sum of two bedeviling paradoxes.
The first, the paradox of the Hollow Sun King, refers to the strange
emptiness that we perceive at the center of the charismatic Clinton
phenomenon. The second, the paradox of the Paralyzed Sprinter, to the
utter chaos that reigns at the center of his administration -- and,
seemingly, of his mind.

In this essay, I will first present an outline of Efron's argument,
along with her proposed etiology. I will then present an alternative
theory -- one that unifies not only these two paradoxes, but also the
other sordid paradoxes of Clinton's life.
Efron's First Paradox: The Hollow Sun King


Clinton evokes worship as no American politician has since JFK. Not
respect. Not admiration. Not even hero worship. But a sort of personal
fawning, by both male and female worshipers, that borders on the sexual.
For example, a youthful Arkansas journalist (a male) once described the
fledgling Arkansas politician, Bill Clinton, as

"the Sun King. And if you look too long at him you will be blind, your
senses flooded with his gold-spined brilliance.... There must be some
elemental undercurrent here that generates envy in other men, not just
the musk of power but something pheromonic. Since it is not polite to
compare your governor to Mussolini or even Huey Long, then let's say one
of those Kennedy boys....

Actually, his choice of comparisons is strangely apt -- each and every
one of them. But, reluctant to leave Clinton in such company without
clarification, he proceeded to call him "that rare thing, a soulful
politician."

Yet a soul -- or at least a unifying "self" -- is exactly what many see
as missing from this man. Not his enemies, who view him as evil, but his
friends and supporters. Efron writes:

"Tom Rosenstiel of the Los Angeles Times, Chris Bury of ABC, Maureen
Dowd of The New York Times, Richard Cohen of The Washington Post, and
Joe Klein of Newsweek have all... reached a similar conclusion -- that
Clinton is 'in hiding' (Cohen); that Clinton is a multifaceted being
without a unifying self (Klein); that he is whatever you happen to be
looking at or, as Bury resignedly put it, 'what you see is what you
get.' Dowd, the most literary, climaxed a fusillade of contradictions by
saying, 'In the end, the focus is the unfocusability.'"

His own closest aide, George Stephanopolous likened him, as reported in
Woodward's The Agenda to "a kaleidoscope. What you see is where you
stand and where you're looking at him. He will put one facet toward you,
but that is only one facet." Some journalists, writes Efron, have

"looked behind the self-contradictory mosaic and reached the grim
conclusion that Clinton has no 'self.' In his book, Strange Bedfellows,
which describes the coverage of the presidential campaign of 1992,
Rosenstiel writes: 'Like many politicians Bill Clinton is a man of
unfinished and contradictory character--scholarly and shallow, outgoing
and shy, principled and craven, the mood depending on the motive. He
possesses extraordinary talent and a fierce thirst for knowledge and
insight, but above all approval. One reporter who spent time with him in
New Hampshire found him one of the most outwardly directed people she
had ever met--as if he had little inner sense of self at all.'"

Sam Smith, editor of Progressive Review and an outspoken critic of
Clinton from the left, has succinctly captured the essence behind the
first paradox:

"It was the normal work of the politician, but with Clinton there seemed
too much. Too many hands, too many friends, too many words, too many
hours before he went to sleep, too many hours on C-SPAN solving the
nation's problems with too many industrialists and economists--and in
the end too little else. It was as though he were afraid that if he
excused himself from the public eye he might no longer be real."

Smith comes closer to truth than he, perhaps, realizes: Clinton is a
chimera.

Efron writes of the fragment of stone at the bottom of Stephanopolous'
kaleidoscope -- reflecting in a unique way, showing a different facet to
each person as Clinton turns. This is a metaphor for the elusive "real
Clinton"; but, in truth, there is no real Clinton that we could possibly
comprehend. That little fragment is so alien that it might as well not
exist in our universe. At the core of this man, Clinton, where the soul
is supposed to be, there is, instead, a gaping void. A black hole. The
Sun King exists only as the irresistible gravitational pull he exerts on
others and the dying light -- the catastrophic annihilation -- of
everyone and everything that strays too close to his event horizon.
Within, there is an unknowable emptiness.
Efron's Second Paradox: The Paralyzed Sprinter


The second paradox is that Clinton does too much, too fast and so never
does anything at all. As Efron writes:

"For some 15 years Clinton has been saying, over and over again, to
people who have repeated it over and over again, that his problem is
that he does 'too much, too fast.' Simultaneously, he has been
ceaselessly reported to be an astoundingly slow worker who takes months
to make a decision. Both cannot be true. And both are not true.

"But it takes a long time to understand the gross contradiction between
what Clinton says of himself and what the press has reported, because
the answer is buried in a mysterious conflict deep inside Clinton's
mind....

"...His mind races, ideas rush in on him with great speed; he fails to
distinguish between having an idea and taking an action, between
thinking and doing; he gets lost in details, so he cannot retain his
abstract purposes; and he has great difficulty in reaching conclusions
or making decisions."

Clinton is a man with a photographic memory and a penchant for details.
A man who lacks totally the ability to apply practical logic to the
business of making decisions or even of ordering priorities. He is a
man, in short, who does not know how to think.

"Clinton's cognitive paralysis... affects others, it affects Clinton
himself, and ultimately it affects his presidency. The most visible
effect, which has appalled the political-media establishment, is the
disorder that reigns at the White House. In the course of the publicity
debut of The Agenda on 60 Minutes, Mike Wallace said incredulously to
Woodward, 'Chaos?' And Woodward replied unsmilingly, 'Chaos. Absolute
chaos.'"

Efron has done a profoundly important service by documenting these
paradoxes, particularly the second. The president's job, after all, is
to make decisions and to apply reason to intractable problems. Efron's
thesis is that Clinton's mind works only with the assistance of
prosthesis -- in the form of his wife, Hillary, or, to a lesser, of
extent hired guns like Morris, Stephanopolous and Gergen.

However, Efron goes off the rails in the second half of her essay when
she attempts diagnosis. She fails, in the final analysis to explain the
first paradox. She misdiagnoses the second, omitting from consideration
contradictory traits that are themselves paradoxical. And she fails to
reconcile even her two paradoxes into a single coherent portrait.

"...Clinton's defenses against pain and suffering are almost universally
observed. Because all are tied to, if not solely caused by, his
cognitive deficiencies, and because they have had dreadful effects on
his presidency, I'll list three of them. You know them already:

"* Clinton values work and productivity, but only as a means to status
and power. By his own say-so, he has valued nothing more than status and
power since he was young. He is always aware of his relative status in
power relationships. And he is extremely sensitive to criticism,
especially if it comes from people with high status and power. His
record of 'caving' under pressure, of betraying both principles and
people, is due most fundamentally to his lack of confidence in his own
mind. In the face of an array of power, he capitulates. He has betrayed
every significant group in the Democratic party and numerous friends to
win favor with their enemies. The loyalty he commands from his natural
political allies is paper thin.

"* Clinton's mind is out of control. He has an unusually strong need to
be in control of factors outside of him. When he is unable to control
others, he grows angry, although the anger is usually not expressed
directly. His entire relationship with the national press has been a
covert battle for control, and it has been far more intense than you may
know. See Tom Rosenstiel's Strange Bedfellows for a shocking report on
the spying by the Clinton campaign on the national press during the
presidential campaign.

"* Clinton's perfectionist demands, which delay and inhibit his decision
making, are due in great part, as Lloyd Bentsen says so diplomatically,
to his intellectual 'doubt.' Clinton is inordinately afraid of making
mistakes. He is in so far over his head, over his capacity to do the
work required for the presidency, that he exists in a state of terror.
It apparently builds up in the night, and, according to Woodward, the
next morning he vomits out the accumulated terror all over George
Stephanopoulos in the form of uncontrolled explosions of rage. Clinton's
eyes bulge, his face grows scarlet, he yells, he screams, he shrieks.
While Clinton is quite capable of controlling this rage and conceals it
from the public--it has only been glimpsed by accident and briefly--he
does not control it in private. According to Meg Greenfield, he takes
his rage out on vulnerable members of his family and on employees--on
those over whom he has power.

"Stand back and look at all these defenses against pain and fear:
Clinton is traitorous. Clinton is a devious manipulator. Clinton grovels
before the powerful. Clinton bullies the weak.

"These are the attributes of Clinton that are known in both his public
and his private life to those he has conned and betrayed. They co-exist
with what Joe Klein calls 'his relentless huggy, weepy emotionalism' --
and relentless is a significant word. Huggy and weepy in this pale-eyed
man with the eternally crooked smile are also manipulative weapons.

"These do not begin to exhaust Clinton's defensive repertoire. But they
are enough to explain waning political support. All of the
epistemological problems and all of the emotional defenses... are too
well known for Clinton to win sustained respect.

When [Clinton] recites monotonously that he tries 'to do too much, too
fast,' or that he sometimes 'works hard but not smart,' he is actually
saying, 'I am very intelligent. I work terribly hard. I am not slow, I
am fast. I think and I work with great speed.' It seems painfully clear
that with those words Clinton is denying his cognitive paralysis and is
asserting his self-worth....

She concludes from this that Clinton suffers from something much akin to
obsessive and compulsive disorder. In fact, she refers to a comment
Clinton made to a journalist about an episode in his life when he and
his entire family went through counseling sessions following the
conviction of his brother for drug trafficking: "I finally realized how
my compulsive and obsessive ambition got in the way." Efron believes
that

"[t]here is no reason to doubt that Clinton was diagnosed as being
'compulsive and obsessive,' since that is what journalists have been
documenting since Clinton entered the White House.

"All of Clinton's thinking problems and emotional defenses described in
this article are symptoms of Obsessive Compulsive Personality Disorder
as identified by the American Psychiatric Association....

"The diagnostic literature says that at least five of the criteria of
Obsessive Compulsive Personality Disorder must be present to identify
someone as suffering from this disorder. Here are five that describe
Clinton:

1. Perfectionism that interferes with task completion, e.g. inability to
complete a project because [the person's] own overly strict standards
are not met.

2. Preoccupation with details... to the extent that the major point of
the activity is lost.

3. Unreasonable reluctance to allow others to do things because of a
conviction that they will not do them correctly.

4. Excessive devotion to work and productivity to the exclusion of
leisure activities and friendships.

5. Indecisiveness: decision making is either avoided, postponed, or
protracted, e.g. the person cannot get assignments done on time because
of ruminating about priorities."
Efron Has It Backwards


Efron paints a moving portrait of a man in profound agony at his own
cognitive imperfections. A man in emotional pain because he cannot
think. A man driven by his fear of failure or of imperfection to spin
forever just short of completion. She has it exactly backwards! Clinton
cannot think precisely because he cannot feel, has virtually no
emotional life at all. Clinton is not burdened with a hyperactive,
obsessive compulsive "conscience," a paralyzing perfectionism. Clinton's
conscience problem is that he has absolutely no conscience whatsoever.
Clinton is not an obsessing neurotic but what I will call, borrowing the
term from Manufacturing Social Distress, by Robert Reiber of the John
Jay College of Criminal Justice, an adaptive psychopath.

Disorders of the sort we are discussing can be defined either as a
constellation of social behaviors or as interrelated personality traits.
The latter, of course, are deduced clinically from observation of the
former. There is considerable overlap among behaviors, even those
associated with quite dissimilar disorders. Efron observed a subset of
Clinton's conduct and labeled it obsessive compulsive. The same
behaviors, however, also correlate to narcissistic personality disorder
and anti-social personality disorder. Both of these, quite closely
related to each other, are entirely inconsistent with obsessive
compulsive disorder. The underlying personality traits are quite
different. And both of these alternatives more closely match the
entirety of Clinton's observed anti-social behavior.

Psychopathy is an older, more precise, name for "anti-social personality
disorder." In the 1920's, psychologists adopted "sociopath" to replace
"psychopath." More recently, the name "anti-social personality disorder"
replaced the replacement. This terminological evolution has coincided
with, as Robert Hare of the Hare Labs at UBC writes, a "dramatic shift
away from the use of clinical inferences [and towards] the behaviors
that typify a disorder...." The reason for this is that it is easier to
describe superficial behaviors than to deduce the underlying reasons why
they occur. But the unforeseen result has been a "construct drift" that
sacrifices clinical validity for mere descriptive reliability. The new
classifications depend "on a fixed set of behavioral indicators that
simply [do] not provide adequate coverage of the construct they were
designed to measure."

I will use the older term, "psychopath", for two reasons. First, it is
defined, as Hare notes, by "affective and interpersonal traits such as
egocentricity, deceit, shallow affect, manipulativeness, selfishness,
and lack of empathy, guilt or remorse..." that describe a clinically
distinct syndrome rather than a mere constellation of behaviors. And
second, because, as Reiber says, "psychopath" expresses more of the
"awe, horror, and perplexity" that these people evoke. Because it better
captures a "phenomenon so spectacularly alien that it seems almost
incredible that such people can exist." As for narcissistic personality
disorder: all psychopaths (I suspect) are also narcissists, although not
all narcissists are true psychopaths.

Since psychopathy is one of the least understood of personality
disorders, let me outline the classic description of the true
psychopath, drawing heavily on Hervey Cleckley's ground breaking work,
The Mask of Sanity.

"General poverty in major affective reactions."

The psychopath, Cleckley says, "always shows general poverty of affect.
Although it is true that he sometimes becomes excited and shouts as if
in rage or seems to exult in enthusiasm and again weeps in what appear
to be bitter tears or speaks eloquently and mournful words about his
misfortunes or his follies, the conviction dawns on those who observe
him carefully that here we deal with a readiness of expression rather
than a strength of feeling."

Cleckly describes the "emotional poverty, the complete lack of strong or
tragic feeling universally found in all the psychopaths personally
observed...." He comments that some ascribe to them "powerful
instinctual drives and passions...." He attributes this error to the
fact that "weak and even infantile drives displaying themselves
theatrically in the absence of ordinary inhibitions may impress the
layman as mighty forces....."

"Specific loss of insight."

Cleckly asserts that the psychopath "lacks insight to a degree seldom,
if ever, found in any but the most seriously disturbed psychotic
patients." [I]n the sense of realistic evaluation, the psychopath lacks
insight more consistently than some schizophrenic patients. He has
absolutely no capacity to see himself as others see him.... [H]e has no
ability to know how others feel when they see him or to experience
subjectively anything comparable about the situation. All the values,
all of the major affect concerning his status, are unappreciated by
him."

Cleckly expresses astonishment at this in view of the "psychopath's
perfect orientation, his ability and willingness to reason or go through
the forms of reasoning, and his perfect freedom from delusions or other
signs of an ordinary psychosis." Later he notes that "[s]uch a
deficiency of insight is harder to comprehend than the schizophrenic's
deficiency, for it exists in the full presence of what are often assumed
to be the qualities by which insight is gained. Yet the psychopath shows
not only a deficiency but apparently a total absence of self-appraisal
as a real and moving experience."

Instead of facing the facts that lead to insight, the psychopath
"projects, blaming his troubles on others with the flimsiest of pretext
but with elaborate and subtle rationalization." He may, from time to
time, "perfunctorily admit himself to blame for everything and analyze
his case from what seems to be almost a psychiatric viewpoint, but we
can see that his conclusions have little actual significance for him....
The patient seems to have little or no ability to feel the significance
of his situation, to experience the real emotions of regret or shame or
determination to improve, or to realize that this is lacking. His clever
statements have been hardly more than verbal reflexes; even his facial
expressions are without the underlying content they imply."

"Unreliability"

Actually, an unreliable unreliability. "The psychopath's unreliability
and his disregard for obligations and for consequences are manifested in
both trivial and serious matters, are masked by demonstrations of
conforming behavior, and cannot be accounted for by ordinary motives or
incentives. Although it can be confidently be predicted that his
failures and disloyalties will continue, it is impossible to time them
and to take satisfactory precautions against their effect. Here, it
might be said, is not even a consistency in inconsistency but an
inconsistency in inconsistency."

"Untruthfulness and insincerity"

"The psychopath," says Cleckley, "shows a remarkable disregard for truth
and is to be trusted no more in his accounts of the past than in his
promises for the future or his statement of present intentions." He is
"at ease" and "unpretentious in making promises or denying culpability.
His words in such matters carry "special powers of conviction.... Candor
and trustworthiness seem implicit in him at such times. During the most
solemn perjuries he has no difficulty at all of looking anybody
tranquilly in the eyes."

When detection of wrongdoing is at hand, a psychopath may "appear to be
facing the consequences with singular honesty, fortitude and manliness."
But this, too, is a facade. "It is indeed difficulty to express how
thoroughly straightforward some typical psychopaths can appear. They are
disarming not only to those unfamiliar with such patients but often to
people who know well from experience their convincing outer aspect of
honesty."

Upon being discovered in "shameful and gross falsehoods, after
repeatedly violating his most earnest pledges, he finds it easy, when
another occasion arises, to speak of his word of honor, his honor as a
gentleman, and he shows surprise and vexation when commitments on such a
basis do not immediately settle the issue."

"Lack of remorse or shame"

A psychopath shows "almost no sense of shame. His career is full of
exploits, any one of which would wither even the more callous
representatives of the ordinary man. Yet he does not, despite his able
protestations, show the slightest evidence of major humiliation or
regret." However, the psychopath may, when cornered, seem to accept
blame and express profound regret. But "subsequent events indicate that
it is empty of sincerity -- a hollow and casual form...." His manner of
delivering these perfunctory expressions will reveal nothing of this
hollowness but will be "exceedingly deceptive and is very likely to
promote confidence and deep trust." Which will soon prove to have been
misplaced.

"Superficial charm and good 'intelligence''

A typical psychopath makes a very good first impression. He is perceived
as bright, well adjusted and as manifesting "desirable and superior
human qualities [and a] robust mental health." Despite this, "the
psychopath's inner emotional deviations and deficiencies may be
comparable with the inner status of the masked schizophrenic." His
surface charm coupled with his cold remorselessness makes him a superb
manipulator of the unwary.

"Poor judgment and failure to learn by experience"

On theoretical matters, the psychopath may show superb judgment. On very
complex ethical, moral or emotional issues he may also show excellent
reasoning ability -- as long as they are abstract and do not involve
himself as a participant. But about his own life, a psychopath
demonstrates over and over an inability to learn from experience or to
be deterred by punishment.

"Pathological egocentricity and incapacity for love."

The egocentricity of the psychopath "is usually of a degree not seen in
ordinary people and often is little short of astonishing." However, a
skillful psychopath may learn to camouflage it to suit his schemes. It
is a "self-centeredness that is apparently unmodifiable and all but
complete.... [I]t is an incapacity for object love and... this
incapacity... appears to be absolute."

A psychopath may be capable of "casual fondness, of likes and dislikes,
and of reactions that, one might say, cause others to matter to him."
These are, however, "always strictly limited in degree" and
"durability." And "[w]hat positive feelings appear during the
psychopath's interpersonal relations give a strong impression of being
self-love." He has "absolute indifference to the financial, social,
emotional, physical, and other hardships which he brings upon those for
whom he professes love...."

"Sex life impersonal, trivial, and poorly integrated"

"The psychopath's sex life," says Cleckley, "invariably shows
peculiarities." There is not a strong congruence with any specific
sexual deviancy, but deviance is not unusual and should not be
surprising "in view of the psychopath's notable tendencies to hit upon
unsatisfactory conduct in all fields and his apparent inability to take
seriously what would to others be repugnant and regrettable."

Also not surprisingly, "in view of their incapacity for object love, the
sexual aims of psychopaths do not seem to include any important
personality relations or other recognizable desire or ability to explore
or possess or significantly ravish the partner in a shared experience."
They are generally limited to "literal physical contact and relatively
free of the enormous emotional concomitants and the complex
potentialities that make adult love relations an experience so thrilling
and indescribable."

Far from being super-sexed, "their amativeness is little more than a
simple itch and that even the itch is seldom, if ever, particularly
intense."

As for the psychopathic male, "despite his usual ability to complete the
physical act successfully with a woman, [he] never seems to find
anything meaningful or personal in his relations or to enjoy significant
pleasure beyond the localized and temporary sensations."

Psychopaths of both genders have a record of sexual promiscuity, but
this "seems much more closely related to their almost total lack of
self-imposed restraint than to any particularly strong passions or
drives. Psychopaths sometimes seem by preference to seek sexual
relations in sordid surroundings" or with inappropriate people. They go
out of their way to find sexual entanglement that "mock ordinary human
sensibility or what might be called basic decency...."

The male psychopath, beneath "his outwardly gracious manner toward women
and his general suavity and social charm... nearly always shows an
underlying predilection for obscenity, an astonishingly ambivalent
attitude in which the amorous and excretory functions seem to be
confused. He sometimes gives the impression that an impulse to smear his
partner symbolically, and even wallow in sordidness himself, is more
fundamental than a directly erotic aim, itself hardly more to him than a
sort of concomitant and slightly glorified backscratching."

"Inadequately motivated antisocial behavior"

"He will commit theft, forgery, adultery, fraud, and other deeds for
astonishingly small stakes and under much greater risks of being
discovered than will the ordinary scoundrel. He will, in fact, commit
such deeds in the absence of any apparent goal at all."

"Unresponsiveness in general interpersonal relations"

A psychopath does not feel genuine gratitude for kindness or trust. Nor
does he conduct his life by any recognized code of reciprocity. But "we
often find him attentive in small courtesies and favors, often
habitually generous or quasi-generous when the cost is not decisive."
Sometimes these acts are self-serving in subtle ways, but not always.
"Outward social graces come easy to most psychopaths, and many continue,
throughout careers disastrous to themselves and for others, to conduct
themselves in superficial relations, in handling the trivia of
existence, so as to gain admiration and gratitude. In these surface
aspects of functioning, the typical psychopath (unlike the classic
hypocrite) often seems to act with undesigning spontaneity and to be
prompted by motives of excellent quality though of marvelously
attenuated substance."

I referred to Clinton using Rieber's classification, "adaptive
psychopath." In part, an adaptive psychopath is merely a successful one,
one who has avoided jail or asylum. He is a psychopath more able to
function in the real world whether, as Rieber says, because of "superior
endowment or because their survival was facilitated by adopting an
outwardly [normal] facade." But Rieber -- who has written extensively
about "Psychopathy in Everyday Life" (in fact, this is the subtitle of
his book, Manufacturing Social Distress) -- means something a bit more
subtle by "adaptive psychopath" and presents psychopathy, itself, using
a somewhat streamlined description. While accepting the work of Cleckley
and Hare -- both of whom have largely studied psychopathy in therapeutic
or penal settings -- Rieber writes that in his view:

"the following four salient characteristics -- thrill seeking,
pathological glibness, antisocial pursuit of power, and absence of guilt
-- distinguish the true psychopath."

'Thrill-Seeking"

This is more than merely impulsive behavior. Often considerable planning
is involved, as well as the cooperation of accomplices. This behavior
may be due, in part, to a higher threshold of "perceptual stimulation"
among psychopaths, leading to thrill-seeking, drug use and violence
(sexual or otherwise).

Also psychopathic thrill-seeking is qualitatively different from normal
boredom defeating pursuits.

"Psychopathic thrill-seeking consists in breaking the rules, whatever
they might be, or even in surreptitiously making up new rules. At a
poker table, psychopaths do not want to win; they want to cheat and get
away with it. That is, they want to turn the game into a new game, where
they make the rules."

Adaptive psychopaths, he says:

"have taken this to a paradoxical extreme: They can go about their
routine duties precisely because they have turned them into a dangerous
game of charades, of passing for normal, while in their off-hours they
live an entirely different life."

Clinton manifests this in all aspects of his life; from his golf
Mulligans to his interpretation of the ten commandments. His entire
adult life, lived under the microscope of public scrutiny, has been one
long game of charades. Friends, even enemies, marvel at the paradox that
such an ambitious man would risk everything, repeatedly, to gratify his
desires (which often actually seem as fleeting and trivial as mere
whims). Clinton's psychopathic thrill-seeking is satisfied by precisely
this inconsistency: by the incompatibility between his public ambitions
and that rapacious private life.

"Pathological Glibness: The Manipulation of Meaning in the Communication
of Deceit"

All psychopaths, at every level of intelligence, are remarkably glib and
persuasive. Cleckley also talks about "semantic dementia," by which he
means that the psychopath is unmoved by the ordinary emotional demands
of a situation and act as if they do not exist. Rieber takes this
further:

"[T]he same dissociation is also manifest in their speech; words have
become detached from meaning and serve instead as a means of placating a
dangerous foe or of fleecing an unwary victim. By the same token, they
do not allow themselves to be moved by words and concepts that their
fellow citizens value."

Hare has reported that the organization of the psychopath's brain seems
to differ from the "normal" brain in the way it deals with language as
well as emotion. It seems that language may be more diffusely and
shallowly processed by the psychopath. This corresponds to the
psychopath's ability to hold several, mutually contradictory concepts in
his mind at once without evident discord.

If there is one trait of Clinton's that stands out, even against the
backdrop of hairsplitting lawyers, politicians and consultants, it is
his use of language. His grand jury testimony is a case study in
semantic dementia and verbal dissociation. A careful look at moments
such as the lesson on the meaning of "is" reveals a tiny flash of
triumph on Clinton's face. He has cheated in plain sight and won. This
analysis extends, also, to public affairs. At its heart, triangulation
is "semantic dementia" as a political weapon.

"Antisocial Pursuit of Power"

Psychopaths are preoccupied with power relationships. Not only are they
interested

"in obtaining maximum power for themselves, but they seem hell-bent on
using power for destructive ends. Only in paranoid states and in the
attitudes of career criminals can a comparable fusion of antisocial
trends with the power drive be seen. It is as though, for psychopaths,
power can be experienced only in the context of victimization: if they
are to be strong, someone else must pay. There is no such thing, in the
psychopathic universe, as the merely weak; whoever is weak is also a
sucker, that is, someone who demands to be exploited."

This also typifies Clinton's approach to the use of power -- over women,
over opponents and even over allies. It is manifested in Clinton's
justification for exploiting his lawyer's gullibility in believing his
own client (Clinton, himself). It underlies his abusive relationship to
women (many of whom either came to him because of his power or who were
unable to resist or complain because of it). The psychopathic attitude
towards power also underlies Clinton's dealings with Congress -- both
majority and minority -- and his ongoing shell games with policy.

Psychopaths, it has been noted, tend to invade the space of others to
intimidate or dominate. Often this takes the form of a piercing,
unwavering gaze. Women sometimes interpret this as seduction, as Monica
Lewinsky reports about herself. Men also feel it, although in different
ways. Bob Woodward mentioned on Larry King recently that this is what he
first noticed about Clinton during a face to face meeting. Even a glass
of diet Coke never occluded that unblinking laserlike stare. (For a
jarring parallel, watch the opening scene of Kubrick's Clockwork Orange
!)

"Absence of Guilt"

Psychopaths are not ignorant of law and its sanctions. They simply
ignore the former and seek to evade the latter. They are, therefore,

"skilled in evasion and rationalization. Some, gifted histrionically,
can even feign remorse. But they do not feel guilt.... [W]hen
psychopaths are caught they are in a profound sense uncomprehending."

If one thing marked Clinton's great apology tour, following discovery of
the soiled dress, it was total and absolute insincerity. (Where are the
religious counselors now that he has escaped removal?) If you read all
the statements of regret and the comments about mutual forgiveness, only
one conclusion is possible: Clinton is, on the one hand, presenting a
facade of guilty shame to evade repercussions while, simultaneously,
taking pleasure in manipulating the words so as to never say what his
"sucker" audience thinks he is saying.
The Mephisto Syndrome


The sum of these four parts is what Rieber refers to as the "Mephisto
Syndrome."

"[I]t is hard to resist the impression that the true psychopath is a
personification of the demonic.... They are not social, only
superficially gregarious; not considerate, just polite; not
self-respecting, only vain; not loyal, only servile and down deep they
are really quite shallow.... Hence the observed homologies with the
figures of the demonic: ...For the psychopath, the demonic is a way of
life....

"[S]ince like the devil psychopaths are inherently asocial, they are
difficult to comprehend within the confines of ordinary human morality.
[T]he true psychopath, like Lucifer, goes beyond the categories of evil
and sin; theologically, the true psychopath is incapable of forming any
relationship to God or to humans.... Not feeling remorse, psychopaths
enter the confessional, as they enter psychotherapy, only when it serves
some other purpose, typically that of evading punishment....

"[T]he power of the group is real; if properly organized the group can
accomplish things well beyond the power of any individual. The
individuals, for their part, participate in the exercise of group power
through identification....

"Psychopaths, by contrast, appear to situate themselves altogether
differently vis-a-vis the group. Rather than adopt a posture of
identification, they appear to... proceed on the delusionary belief that
in their own person they can emulate and create the degree of power
that, properly speaking, only the group has. More than a law unto
themselves, psychopaths act as if they were a whole nation unto
themselves.... [reminding us of de Gaulle's famous saying that nations
have no friends, only interests.]

"Dissociation is a critical cognitive process in psychotherapy. It is
manifest in the pathological glibness, in the inability to feel guilt,
in the inability to profit from experience, and in the semantic
dementia, generally, of the psychopath.... [D]issociation refers to the
tendency of individuals to... dissociate... their 'real' selves from
their 'public' selves. Such people histrionically alter their public
presentations to create a succession of socially acceptable images or
facades....

"With psychopaths, dissociation reaches to a deeper level; paradoxically
it is also more readily put to the service of the pathologically
inflated ego. Where the histrionic splits off the 'bad me' from the
'good me,' ...the psychopath's internal split seems seems to take place
at an even more basic level, that of the 'me' and the 'not me....'
[T]here is nothing that is 'not me' for psychopaths. There is no limit
to the grandiosity of their fantasies, likewise there is no limit to
what they might do....

"[The psychopath's] deeper dissociation is utterly uncontrolled, and
this makes it practically impossible for psychopaths to do anything else
but con at the level of social valuations.... [T]he same is true of the
kind of rationalizations and trumped-up emotions psychopaths rely on....
[T]here is a level of conscious ego-involvement in these techniques, but
it is a pathologically inflated ego..., an ego that has lost the ability
to produce either genuine reasons or genuine feelings...."

The trait at the root of psychopathy is flattened affect. The profound
shallowness of the psychopath's emotional life is not only their
trademark behavioral trait -- though often masked by an outward glib
charm -- it has also been identified by brain scans. From this emotional
deficit, all else appears to follow. A vital emotional life seems to be
essential to conscience, judgment, the ability to learn from experience,
insight and all the other social and moral values lacking in the
psychopath.

Not surprisingly, this issue of emotional deficit also underlies the
difference between my theory of Clinton and Efron's. Efron's diagnosis
-- which requires deep emotional suffering and conscience paralyzed
cognitive skills -- is incompatible with the psychopathic traits
manifested by Clinton. Her's simply cannot explain the pathological
lying, the evasions, the exploitation of women and the like.

On the other hand, if my diagnosis is to succeed, it must explain how a
presumed emotional deficit is consistent with Clinton's "relentless
huggy, weepy emotionalism," his legendary screaming fits and purple
rages and his repetitious, self-pitying self-diagnosis.

The answer is obvious from the very description of the syndrome. Violent
emotional demonstrations by a psychopath are, as Cleckley said, always
the result of a lack of inhibition rather than any genuine strength of
feeling. When these outbursts are directed as rage against another, they
can also be explained by the psychopath's lack of empathy for that other
person and instinct to dominate him or her. Displays of rage -- like
inappropriate eye contact -- are typical of animal dominance behaviors.
Moreover, psychopaths are often motivated by a need for approval, which
is one reason they so carefully ape genuine emotional responses. An
intelligent psychopath is not oblivious to objective signs of his own
failure; he is, however, more or less oblivious to his own contributing
faults. To recognize them would require insight, which he does not
possess. So a psychopath will often lash out at others in violent rage,
blaming them for the falling polls, failed legislation, editorial
criticism, etc. Paradoxically, the psychopath is also capable of putting
on an outward display of insight when it suits him. It is a hollow,
false insight. A psychopath can analyze his own conduct with great
psychological skill, but the words are, as Cleckley pointed out, as
empty as he is.

A young patient cited by Cleckley had a typical history of truancy and
delinquency. Finally, in desperation, his affluent family asked a friend
to intervene. The friend was an older man with considerable practical
experience helping troubled youths. He decided to take the boy on a long
automobile trip -- with the purpose of maintaining a relaxed atmosphere
while keeping his audience captive. The boy did most of the talking. He
analyzed his own shortcomings with, seemingly, great insight and
honesty. He volunteered that he needed to change and outlined steps that
he might take to do so. The older man was very impressed. When they
arrived back at the boy's home that evening, the man discharged his
passenger at the curb and drove off. The boy walked past the house,
through the back yard and out the back gate. He was next seen a week
later, in police custody, having committed a spate of forgeries and
thefts.
The Psychopath


Efron's excellent and convincing portrayal of the Hollow Sun King, the
first Clinton paradox, is, in short, an almost perfect description of a
charismatic psychopath: a soulless "intraspecies predator" (to quote
Hare's "Without Conscience"). A robot without empathy, devoid of
conscience or remorse, living a mere shadow of an emotional life, but
able to mimic the outward manifestation of emotions on demand. Able,
therefore, to manipulate the unwary to a degree that defies imagination.
Presenting a different facet to each viewer. Objectively hollow, but, to
the susceptible, very like a "Sun King." A Sun King who deceives,
exploits, betrays and rapes his subjects.

It is left for me, now, to explain the second paradox, which arises from
the total chaos at the center of Clinton's mind. I need to demonstrate,
at a minimum, that psychopathy is consistent with such cognitive
turmoil. I intend to do even better than that: to prove that
psychopathy, which is essentially an emotional (and moral) deficit,
actually explains Clinton's cognitive dysfunction as described by Efron.


Psychopaths have, for the most part, been studied in prisons. These
studies tend to describe the life patterns of losers -- men and women
incapable of maintaining a "normal" life. These people have seemingly
intact intellects -- may, in fact, be of superior intelligence. However,
on practical matters involving themselves, they are totally unable to
plan or make sound decisions. Usually, given the population being
studied, this is manifested in an aimless pattern in their lives. This
is sometimes listed as a trait to be looked for in diagnosing the
psychopath. The adaptive psychopath, however, by definition has avoided
such complete and profound failure. Is it possible that cognitive
dysfunction of the sort we see in Clinton, the successful psychopath, is
the same as that which afflicts the more often studied criminal
psychopath? And how does this cognitive dysfunction relate to emotional
deficit?

Recent research tells us how an emotional deficit can, in fact, manifest
itself as such cognitive dysfunction. In 1994, Antomio R. Damasio
(Ph.D., M.D.) published a seminal work on the profound interrelatedness
of our intellectual and emotional processes, "Descartes' Error --
Emotion, Reason, and the Human Brain."

He started with a study of one Phineas Gage. In 1848, Mr. Gage was
involved in a mining accident in which he blasted a sharpened sixteen
foot iron rod, completely through his left prefrontal cortex. It landed
some 100 yards away. He recovered consciousness almost immediately and
was taken to town on a wagon. He walked unassisted to a nearby porch and
sat patiently waiting for the physician, regaling his audience with the
story of his accident. His brain was clearly visible pulsing beneath the
horrible wound. Except for blindness in one eye, he recovered with no
obvious mental or physical incapacity.

But he was not the same affable, hardworking, honest man that Phineas
Gage had been before. He was completely changed. He could no longer hold
a job. He became irritable and aggressive. His emotional life was
shallow. He drank and brawled. And he displayed no ability to make
intelligent decisions about his own life. His life spiralled downward
from one personal disaster to another.

Gage's wound had deprived him of something besides his left eye.
Something subtle. It had taken affect from him; it had stolen away his
emotions. And for some reason, this produced a profound cognitive
dysfunction that destroyed his life.

Damasio and his wife, herself a neurologist, reconstructed the damaged
brain from Gage's skull, which was on public display. And they saw many
living patients with similar -- although less dramatically sustained --
trauma to the prefrontal cortex. All these patients also suffered
serious lowering of affect with no direct physical damage to their motor
or language capabilities. And most manifested a similar severe
impairment of practical intellectual capacity: they were unable to
reason about things that had a bearing on their own lives (as opposed to
purely theoretical puzzles) and were incapable of making rational
decisions.

Allison Barnes and Paul Thagard (of the University of Waterloo in
Canada) write in a paper called, "Emotional Decisions":

"Damasio maintains that Gage and other frontal lobe patients with faulty
decision making skills have all the information required to make
decisions. According to neurological studies by Saver and Damasio
(1991), social knowledge in these patients remains intact. Their
experimental subject, EVR, could provide response options to social
situations, consider the consequences of these options and perform moral
reasoning at an advanced level. EVR had normal or better intelligence
and memory. Detailed studies by Saver and Damasio suggest that even with
all the necessary information, such patients are unable to implement a
choice in everyday life. For example, EVR would take hours deciding
where to dine by obsessing about each restaurant's seating plan, menu
and atmosphere. Even then, he could not reach a final decision."

Compare EVR's dilemma with Efron's descriptions of Clinton's frenzied
and unsuccessful decision making.

Damasio's neurological studies show, write Barnes and Thagard, that

"what is damaged in these patients is not memory or intelligence, but
the neural connections between the emotional and cognitive centers of
the brain. More specifically, the ventromedial frontal region is
reported to be responsible for emotional processing and social cognition
through connections with the amygdala and hypothalamus. After a series
of tests, Saver and Damasio conclude that in the absence of emotional
input, EVR's decision making process was overwhelmed by trivial
information. With additional studies, the researchers conclude that EVR
had no internal goal representation. In order for goals to remain stable
for EVR, they had to be represented externally and repeatedly.
Otherwise, '...it was as if he forgot to remember short- and
intermediate- term goals.... He couldn't keep a problem in perspective
in relation to other goals.'"

Damasio's hypothesis, widely accepted today, is that there is a strong
connection between emotional processes and intellectual processes: our
emotions are equal partners, if you will, in our intellectual lives.
This is especially true in practical decision making. Domasio theorizes
that "somatic markers" are the mechanism by which emotions conspire with
thought to produce decisions. Essentially, every goal, every means to
that goal, every intermediate step and all possible alternatives along
the way are encoded with emotional attributes of which we are not
consciously aware. As Barnes and Thagard write:

"The somatic marker hypothesis is presented by Damasio to explain these
experimental findings. The hypothesis is that bodily feelings normally
accompany our representations of the anticipated outcomes of options. In
other words, feelings mark response options to real or simulated
decisions. Somatic markers serve as an automatic device to speed one to
select biologically advantageous options. Those options that are left
unmarked are omitted in the decision-making process. Damasio suggests
that patients with frontal lobe damage fail to activate these somatic
markers which are directly linked to punishment and reward, and
originate in previously experienced social situations. EVR's decision
making defect is explained by an inability to activate somatic states
when ordinary decisions arise; by an inability to mark the implications
of a social situation with a signal that would separate good and bad
options. EVR was therefore trapped in a never-ending cost-benefit
analysis of numerous and conflicting options. In the absence of
emotional markers, decision making is virtually impossible....

"Damasio claims that un-marked options are not considered by the
decision maker. This biasing function of somatic markers is really what
makes decision making possible. In the absence of markers, the decision
maker has too much information to deal with. The computations involved
are so cumbersome that they cannot yield a final decision. In short,
emotions dictate and constrain which bits of information are used."

There is a close resemblance between psychopathic traits and the
symptoms presented by the victims of brain trauma of the sort just
described. Some researchers actually argue that psychopathy is the
result of either trauma to or arrested development of the prefrontal
cortex and the limbic system. One theory is that the psychopathic brain
is organized differently (resembling the consequences of physical
trauma) as the result of imperfect socialization in the very early years
-- arising either from inherited deficits or from a pathological family
environment (or both). Whether this is true or not, both psychopathy and
such brain trauma are functions of a similar, profound emotional
deficit, both apparently arise in the same brain structures and both
manifest remarkably similar symptoms.

If there is a subtle difference in the descriptions of indecisiveness in
psychopaths and of brain trauma victims, it is because psychopaths tend
to be studied in prison settings and brain trauma patients in hospitals.
All these studies -- both of psychopaths and brain trauma patients --
indicate that pure reason remains unimpaired in both. The subjects can
pass tests -- entirely theoretical tests -- designed to identify
intellectual impairment. If the element of practical, personal decision
making is added to these tests, however, both sets of subjects fail --
flailing about helplessly. One brain trauma patient, for example, after
hours and hours of questions designed to test his ability to solve
theoretical ethical problems -- tests which he passed with normal scores
-- commented to the clinician, "You know, after all this, I still would
not know what to do."

The emotionally crippled psychopath does not know, in situations calling
for decision, how to think. He cannot decode the somatic markers. In the
unsuccessful psychopath this results in a ruined life. In the successful
psychopath, it results in a career of constant crises -- and the
ruination of the lives of others. Perhaps, the successful psychopath
achieves success partly through parasitism -- by using the cognitive
powers of others, as Efron argues that Clinton does Hillary's.

Unfortunately, I believe that there is a compelling case that Clinton is
a true psychopath. That at the core of the "Sun King," William Jefferson
Clinton, we see hidden in plain sight this intractable pathology, this
emptiness and its horrible power. Psychopathy in the world's most
powerful leader creates a terrible dilemma for a democracy. The
psychopath is not mentally ill or mentally impaired as these terms apply
in the law or in connection with the 25th Amendment to the Constitution.
But he is, as noted by all the experts, just as dangerous as if he were,
perhaps more so. Just as unfit for high office, perhaps more so.
Psychopaths do not just blunder blindly into evil; they seek it out.

Can the Vice President and the Cabinet remove the elected leader of the
nation on the basis of "moral dementia"? Do we really want to re-enact
the Caine Mutiny on a national level? Any move to remove this clearly
unfit creature from office must, it seems to me, come from the Congress.
This route, however, has now all but been foreclosed.

A chorus of soft voices has arisen calling for "counseling" for this man
who sits at the pinnacle of power -- allegedly suffering merely from
some popular form of addiction. This is arrant nonsense. There is no
pill, no treatment, no therapy and no exorcism that can "cure" him or
those like him. Hare reports that therapy seems actually to exacerbate
their antisocial behavior -- to make them worse! These creatures are
profoundly alien. Visitors from a parallel moral universe. They can
never interact with ours as anything but soulless predators.

I believe that I have also made the case that the policy chaos and
paralysis that Efron described in Clinton and his administration are
symptoms of a the same profound emotional deficit arising from and
underlying his psychopathy. (Or, perhaps, he suffered some youthful
trauma to his prefrontal cortex. Someday, perhaps, his medical records
will solve the mystery.) What is certain is that, for all practical
purposes, we are governed by an adaptive, charismatic psychopath, a
supreme intraspecies predator, armed with mesmerizing powers of
seduction -- even mass seduction. A leader with profound emotional,
cognitive and moral deficits that paralyze his reason and interfere with
the simplest decisions -- and endanger this Nation.

And there is virtually nothing that can be done about it.


-30-

from The Laissez Faire City Times, Vol 3, No 13, March 29, 1999
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-----
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris

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