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Single Currency

Nosedive of Euro Tests Resolve of ECB

Tietmeyer in a wringer

FRANKFURT - The euro slipped to fresh lows Monday, and Hans Tietmeyer,
president of the Bundesbank, expressed concern and vowed that the
European Central Bank would pursue a ''lastingly strong and stable
euro.''
''The euro must try to gain the strength of its predecessors and, above
all, must win confidence and a reputation of its own,'' Mr. Tietmeyer
said Monday night in a speech in the Dutch city of Utrecht, according to
an advance text of the remarks.

The new currency, which the 11-nation euro bloc launched in January, has
cascaded to a succession of new lows since its inception. At its weakest
point Monday, it fell to $1.0680 from its previous record low Friday
just above $1.0800. That is nearly 10 percent under its peak of $1.1837
on Jan. 4, its first day of trading.

At 3 P.M. in New York, the euro was quoted at $1.0737

Some currency market experts note that the main constituent currencies
of the euro - including the Deutsche mark and the French franc - are
still above their levels against the dollar of about a year ago, and
thus the euro itself is not weak by some measures. But others say they
think the euro could be headed for a period of further declines and
prolonged weakness.

A further slump in the euro amounts to a test of nerves for the newly
minted European Central Bank, economists concur. With the credibility of
Europe's most ambitious integration project at stake, the ECB is certain
to find a point where it must draw the line.

''The euro and its institutions are still too green and too short of
credibility for the ECB to ignore such a development,'' said Adolf
Rosenstock, economist in Frankfurt for Nomura International.

Analysts predict the three-month-old currency will slip to $1.05 or
lower, which translates to a dollar rate of 1.86 Deutsche marks - a
level of weakness that the Bundesbank historically defended, said
Gerhard Grebe, analyst in Frankfurt for Bank Julius Baer AG. Mr.
Rosenstock sees the euro headed as low as $1.03

In his speech in Utrecht, Mr. Tietmeyer appeared resigned to the factors
that inflate the dollar's value, such as the ''special international
developments'' in Kosovo and the ''unexpectedly strong economic
performance'' in the United States.

But while he warned against panic, he vowed to monitor the euro's
well-being. ''Composure is appropriate, but disregard is not,'' he said.


''We in the ECB do not pursue an exchange-rate target but we are of
course interested in a lastingly strong and stable euro,'' he said.

And while many say the euro's exchange rate reflects a strong dollar
more than a weak euro, others note that the euro failed to make gains
against the yen following the latest reductions in Japanese interest
rates.

''It is somewhat surprising that the euro has not been stronger than the
yen, given the easing of Japanese monetary policy,'' said Brendan Brown,
economist in London for the Tokyo-Mitsubishi International PLC. ''You
might have expected the euro to do better, but it has not.''

In the view of some economists, the euro's weakening reflects lost faith
over European integration.

Some investors bid the euro lower because of confusion in Europe over
the appropriate combination of economic policies as politicians and
central bankers clash over reasons for high unemployment and tepid
commercial activity. Others note disparities in the economic cycles
among the 11 euro-bloc economies, dashing the notion of economic
cohesion. Germany, the traditional powerhouse economy of Europe,
contracted in the fourth quarter last year while its closest economic
partners like France register brisker growth.

Other pressures on the euro emanate from far-reaching sources.

Fears of an escalating and bloody conflict on Europe's fringe have
prompted investors to channel funds into the dollar under an instinctive
capital flight to a ''safe-haven'' currency.

Markets, meanwhile, increasingly are betting that the ECB will need to
lower interest rates just as the Federal Reserve might need to raise
dollar-denominated lending rates in a move that favors the dollar at the
euro's expense. And the dollar has also drawn strength as European
growth rates slowed this year to a degree that alarms some politicians
while robust U.S. growth rates confound economists with unexpected
vigor.

For many politicians and business executives across Europe, however,
there is another side to the euro coin:

Its slump bolsters European exports by making European products cheaper
on the world market. This in turn provides a stronger, broader and
faster economic elixir than any interest-rate easing, economists say.

Knowing the exchange rates are a powerful economic tool, politicians
have done little to impede the euro's decline.

The French finance minister, Dominique Strauss-Kahn, said in a newspaper
interview Monday, ''I am opposed to an undervalued euro, but the euro is
currently not weak.''

Mr. Grebe said, ''The euro is a blessing for the economy.'' Mr.
Rosenstock said, ''It is the equivalent of the arrival of the cavalry.''


The problem, according to analysts, is that the euro's slide threatens
to get out of hand, leading to a potential overshoot of the dollar.

The last time the Deutsche mark fell to the equivalent level of $1.05 to
the euro, the Bundesbank raised interest rates, analysts noted. With the
euro-bloc economy struggling, that option is virtually out of the
question to the ECB, economists said.

''The ECB will be in a very difficult situation,'' Mr. Grebe said. ''The
markets will want to test the ECB and find out where they are prepared
to intervene.''

International Herald Tribune, March 30, 1999


French Banks & Yoghurt

Ditching Le Fairplay

BNP can proceed to devour two rival banks


When Jean-Claude Trichet ran the French treasury in the 1980s, he used
to serve very un-Parisian pots of yoghurt for his business breakfasts.
French financial institutions lagged behind their Anglo-Saxon
counterparts, he explained, partly because of their lower consumption of
dairy products.


Today, it would appear that French bankers have been eating rather too
much yoghurt for Mr Trichet's liking. Now governor of the Bank of
France, he has spent the last week trying to broker a deal that would
end the unprecedented in-fighting between three of the country's largest
financial institutions.


Yesterday, Mr Trichet gave his formal consent to the unsolicited bids
launched earlier this month by Banque Nationale de Paris for Soci�t�
G�n�rale and Paribas, which were themselves planning to merge.


But in an accompanying statement, Mr Trichet said he "hoped the
establishments concerned would reflect and engage in a dialogue among
themselves with a view to reaching a solution which would fully respect
each house's moral and financial interests and preserve the best
interests of the banking community."


The statement betrays the depth of unease triggered by the BNP bids in
the heart of the French establishment.


Michel P�bereau, BNP's chairman, has broken the unwritten rules of the
French way of doing business: his bids are hostile; they threaten to
open the door to a foreign white knight; and he moved with only the most
perfunctory of advance warnings to Mr Trichet and to Dominique
Strauss-Kahn, the finance minister.


"What the establishment reproaches is as much the fact that Michel
P�bereau did not consult the governor of the Bank of France in advance,
as the fact that the bids are hostile," one senior French financier
says.


Lack of consultation may not be unheard of in other countries. Paul
Martin, Canada's finance minister, heard about Royal Bank of Canada's
plans to merge with Bank of Montreal while shaving. He was so annoyed
that he blocked the deal.


But even in the US, home of the free market liberalism France is now
embracing, Sandy Weill and John Reed took great care to brief the
Treasury and the Federal Reserve about their plans to merge Travelers
Group and Citibank.


The breach of protocol is all the more shocking in France, where the
world of high finance is very small indeed. The top bankers and
bureaucrats went to the same schools, worked together in the same
ministerial cabinets, gossiped together in the same d�ners en ville.


A recent report from Korn/ Ferry, the executive search consultants,
pointed out that two-thirds of the chairmen in the 40 largest listed
companies are graduates of the same two schools: Polytechnique, the
engineering institute, and Ecole Nationale d'Administration, or Ena,
which grooms future high-ranking civil servants. Mr P�bereau attended
both. The same graduates also comprise almost half of all company
directors.


"When executives of French companies meet to discuss a deal, it is not
unusual to spend the first half hour going over who had better grades at
Ena, to determine who is to speak first during the meeting," says a US
investment banker based in Paris.


The protagonists in the BNP-SG-Paribas drama are closer because they
have spent the last three years discussing every possible permutation of
mergers between their banks.


Even their advisers are closely intertwined. The investment banks
advising BNP, for example, are Lazard - where partner David Dautresme is
a former chief executive of Cr�dit du Nord, now an SG subsidiary - and
Goldman Sachs - where Jacques Mayoux is a former chairman of SG.


On the other side, Paribas has brought in Rothschild, where Marc-Olivier
Laurent used to be head of mergers and acquisitions at Cr�dit Commercial
de France, where he worked for Mr P�bereau.


But though �narques and polytechniciens may still have the right to call
each by the familiar tu form, in other respects the force exerted by the
old school ties is weakening - as Mr Trichet has found out.


"The chief executives of 50 plus, unlike their predecessors, are all now
running much more international businesses and have travelled widely.
The next generation down has gone a step further and lived abroad. The
politicians, on the other hand, have stayed at home. The gulf between
them and the business elite is growing wider all the time," a senior
French banker says.


The result is not just a less deferential attitude to government
authority, but something of the convert's zeal in espousing the free
market in its ruthlessness.


"This will be decided by the market, not by causeries de salon [drawing
room chitchat]," says Baudouin Prot, BNP's chief operating officer. "In
France, there has always been a conflict between the party of order and
the party of movement. Well, this is very much movement."


Yet the takeover battle itself is being fought out on familiar French
terrain, where it is as important to win over the government and the
trade unions as the shareholders.


Despite the clearly hostile reaction of Daniel Bouton and Andr�
L�vy-Lang, chairmen of SG and Paribas, Mr P�bereau continues to insist
that his bids, though unsolicited, are friendly. His arguments for a
three-way merger are peppered with promises not to cut jobs or close
branches. Indeed, BNP has had to devote considerable effort to
convincing investment analysts that its merger plans will not generate
nearly such large cost savings as they think.


Will French takeover battles be fought this way in years to come? Some
Paris financiers believe Mr P�bereau may have opened the door to an
upheaval in France's economic structure. "It has profound implications
for French industry. Why not Elf/Total, or Renault/Peugeot?" asked one
French investment banker.


Even after yesterday's formal permission to proceed from the Bank of
France, the battle is far from over. Its influence on French business
mores will depend enormously on the result. As one senior banker warned:
"If Michel P�bereau succeeds, it could change the rules of the game for
ever."

The Financial Times, March 30, 1999


Russian Follies

The IMF Gets $4.8 Billion Ready for Russia

The $800,000 from Saddam was just chump change

The International Monetary Fund yesterday threw a lifeline to the
Russian government by promising as much as $4.8bn (�2.9bn) in new loans
to prevent the threat of national bankruptcy. The outline agreement was
hailed in Moscow as a personal triumph for Yevgeny Primakov, the prime
minister and possible presidential contender, who had spent many hours
persuading Michel Camdessus, the IMF managing director, to help Russia
overcome its devastating financial crisis.

"We have agreed about co-operation. We have agreed that we will be
granted a new credit and that next week a full-scale mission from the
Fund will come to Moscow to complete work on this agreement," Mr
Primakov said.


Following meetings with Russian ministers, parliamentary leaders and
even the head of the Russian Orthodox Church in Moscow in the past three
days, Mr Camdessus said: "I understand there is a strong consensus in
support of this government."


However, many details of the new programme still have to be worked out
by the forthcoming IMF mission and must then be approved by the Fund's
board. Russian officials said the government was likely to receive
$4.8bn in four tranches, starting at the end of April.


The IMF, which had previously criticised the incoherence of the Russian
government's economic policies, appeared to have softened its
negotiating stance - dropping its insistence that the government target
a primary budget surplus (before interest rates) of 3.5 per cent of
gross domestic product this year.


A joint communique stated: "The parties have agreed on a primary budget
surplus of 2 per cent of GDP to be realised in 1999 and most of the
measures needed to achieve it."


Augusto Lopez-Claros, an economist at Lehman Brothers and former IMF
resident representative in Moscow, said yesterday's agreement could not
yet be considered a "done deal". But the dynamics of the negotiations
had clearly changed in the past week - probably as a result of the
conflict in Yugoslavia.


"I think the Fund and the G7 must have made a calculation that it is
much better to have Russia on board with a new IMF programme than for
the discussions to drag on," he said.


"The risk was that with the Kosovo crisis distracting people's attention
the two sides would have diverged."


Almost all of the promised IMF money will be used to repay Russia's
debts to the Fund which fall due this year. However, the deal is
critical for preserving Russia's reputation in the international
financial markets and will unlock an additional $2bn to $2.5bn in cash
from the World Bank, Japan and other international credit agencies.


It will also enable Russia to start talks with the Paris Club of
sovereign creditors and the London Club of commercial creditors about
restructuring $150bn of external debts.


Following his success in Moscow, the Russian prime minister is due to
fly to Belgrade today on a peace mission to the Balkans. Mr Primakov's
burst of activity is likely to boost his political prestige and further
eclipse President Boris Yeltsin's, who is due to give his annual
parliamentary address today.

The Financial Times, March 30, 1999
-----
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris

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