-Caveat Lector- Treason in America -- From Aaron Burr to Averell Harriman ANTON CHAITKIN (C)1984 New Benjamin Franklin House P. O. Box 20551 New York, New York 10023 ISBN 0-933488-32-7 --[3]-- -3- Burr and Gallatin Drive for Power The most famous story of frontier violence in our constitutional history occurred in Pennsylvania. Albert Gallatin's first initiative in the Pennsylvania legislature was to attack the source of funding for Alexander Hamilton's program for American financial independence. On January 14, 1791, Gallatin's resolution was introduced, which stated that the excise tax on whiskey, then before Congress, was "subversive of the peace, liberty, and rights of the citizen," and by its use, the nation would "enslave itself."(1) (Never mind the fact that an excise tax on liquor had been on the books in Pennsylvania since 1684.) Gallatin also drafted a petition which was circulated in western Pennsylvania and presented to Congress, against the "oppression" of the proposed tax. After Congress passed both the excise tax and Hamilton's entire development program, Gallatin and his lieutenants developed a movement for illegally combatting the excise, which succeeded in putting a counterrevolutionary mob into the streets. It should be noted that neither Thomas Jefferson nor James Madison, Gallatin's presumed "party leaders," opposed the tax. At an anti-excise meeting in Pittsburgh, August 21, 1792, Gallatin was appointed clerk. He was asked to compose a remonstrance to Congress, which was a pledge to shun, boycott, and otherwise harass anyone who agreed to accept the position of excise tax collector. The petition to Congress carried Gallatin's name as originator. The following February the Pennsylvania legislature appointed Gallatin to the U.S. Senate. He took his seat December 2, 1793, but a week later- the Senate began discussion on a motion to bar him from membership on grounds that he had not been a citizen for the nine years required by the Constitution.(2) In that Gallatin had arrived in America 13 years before, the point being made was hardly "technical." Before he was thrown out, Gallatin introduced one measure, a resolution demanding of Hamilton a massive, detailed accounting for all Treasury operations, all loans, all imports and exports. When Hamilton called the measure dishonestly motivated, Gallatin's friends cried, "Coverup!" Senator Aaron Burr led the fight to retain Gallatin in the Senate.(3) Burr's sentiments, however, were not widely shared, and the Swiss "financial expert" was expelled. The Whiskey Rebellion broke out simultaneously with Albert Gallatin's reappearance in western Pennsylvania. Riots erupted in several counties, reminiscent of the mob scenes in Paris five years before, which began when Gallatin's cousin, Jacques Necker, was dismissed. The tax collectors and the law were defied. A federal marshal serving writs was attacked; battles were fought outside U.S. General Neville's house, and the general's house was burned down. Several thousand armed men assembled on a field near Pittsburgh, Aug. 1, 1794, marched through town, and were only dispersed by authorities with generous portions of whiskey. They did not attack the garrison as threatened, but armed mobs roamed the countryside. At the height of the insurrection, their hero, Albert Gallatin, made public appearances to champion the cause, while of course at the same time "urging an end to the violence." President Washington sent an army headed by Alexander Hamilton to enforce the law. According to all reports the troops dearly wished to "terminate" Mr. Gallatin. Hamilton was interrogating prisoners; Gallatin's friend Thomas Clare wrote to him that Hamilton had questioned a William Ewen for four or five successive days and "askt Mr. Ewen if he knew how much British gold you recd. and how much he recd. of you.... As far as I can understand there was never more industry made by any set of men than there was by sum that was hear to get holt of you."(4). One Gallatin biographer, John Austin Stevens, writing in 1881, said: "The belief that Gallatin was the arch-fiend, who instigated the Whiskey insurrection, had already become a settled article in the Federalist creed, and for a quarter of a century . . . the Genevan was held up to scorn and hatred, as an incarnation of deviltry�an enemy of mankind."(5) Before the army had arrived, Gallatin was "elected" simultaneously to Congress and to the state legislature. But the legislature declared January 9, 1795, that since the election was held during a state of insurrection, it was null and void. A new election was held after troops had occupied and tranquilized the area, but Gallatin was again elected to Congress. Treasury Secretary Hamilton, and his development programs, had been the subjects of the most extraordinary array of assaults and dirty kicks since Hamilton took office. Gallatin's entrance into the U.S. House of Representatives was the last straw for Hamilton, who promptly resigned. He believed he could accomplish more outside the government at that point. Several years later a peculiar Constitutional amendment was passed by the New England states and was barely defeated in Pennsylvania. The governor of Maryland proposed it and immediately died. The amendment was to lengthen the required time of citizenship for members of Congress. It was directed solely against Gallatin. Soon after his election to Congress, Gallatin emerged as a leader of the Republicans. His mission was to undo what Hamilton had accomplished in laying the foundation for a great industrial economy; he also fought to eliminate the nation's military defenses. Gallatin's public contests were of no interest to Aaron Burr, however. During his entire Senate career, Burr never once introduced a bill or opened a debate. He was absent whenever controversial measures were voted on. It cannot be said, however, that Burr was not busy. Shortly after his arrival in Philadelphia, Burr attempted to use his privileges as senator to obtain access to secret government documents. He had begun work in September 1791 on a history of the Revolution which, he said, would "falsify many matters now supposed to be gratifying national facts."(6) Burr got up every morning at 5 a. m. and went to Jefferson's State Department, taking notes, copying. "I got together . . letters, documents, memoranda, all carefully labeled, tied up and put into many tin boxes." He wrote his wife, 'I am much in want of my maps . . . ask Major Prevost for the survey he gave me of the Saint Lawrence, or different parts of Canada and other provinces."(7) Burr let it be known that his history would debunk the Revolution and destroy George Washington's reputation. But the President closed the archives to Burr, and no book was ever published. Hamilton Set Up One night a Mrs. Maria Reynolds showed up on Alexander Hamilton's doorstep with a lying sob-story, asking financial help for her supposed predicament. Hamilton ended up having an affair with the woman. Part of a pre-arranged set-up, her supposed husband then appeared feigning outrage. Hamilton consented to pay him blackmail to keep the story from spreading. In fact, attorney Aaron Burr had obtained a divorce for the lady from her first husband. After receiving about a thousand dollars in blackmail money, her newest husband, Mr. Reynolds, and his partner, were arrested for a scheme to defraud the Treasury Department. With Senator Aaron Burr as his attorney, the jailed Reynolds told a congressional investigating committee that the (blackmail) payments to him were part of a Hamilton operation to swindle the government out of hundreds of thousands of dollars. (Mrs. Reynolds married yet again and moved to England.) The blackmail, the legal troubles, the tortuous "badger game" were kept alive behind the scenes by Burr, Congressman James Monroe, and Thomas Jefferson until 1796, after Hamilton had resigned. The scandal was then publicized, with charges of fraud intended to break Hamilton's paramount position in national politics. Hamilton had the audacity, at this point, however, to publish a pamphlet(8) confessing the set-up blackmail operation by Mr. and Mrs. Reynolds in detail, making clear that he had stolen no money. Senator Burr made the acquaintance of Dolley Payne Todd, the daughter of his Philadelphia landlady. When her husband died, Burr took Mrs. Todd under his protection and became the legal guardian for her infant son. As the opportunity arose, Burr introduced his latest lady to Congressman James Madison, and the two were married. Burr later had an inside track to the U.S. President. One of Burr's confidantes, Commodore James Nicholson, who was a swaggering retired naval officer, told some of Hamilton's friends in 1795 that he had evidence that Hamilton had deposited 100,00(1) pounds sterling of stolen funds in a London account. When Hamilton was attacked and stoned by a mob on Wall Street for his (defense of the Jay Treaty�the treaty that removed the British ] military from the forts they still occupied on U. S. soil� Commodore Nicholson shouted his charges at Hamilton's escaping entourage. Nicholson also accused the bleeding and enraged Treasury Secretary of advocating a monarchy at the Constitutional Convention. Hamilton challenged Nicholson to a duel, which never came off, but the incident had given Burr insight into how Hamilton could be destroyed. Three months later, Albert Gallatin married Commodore Nicholson's daughter Hannah. The Swiss Economist Moves In Beginning with the whiskey initiative, Albert Gallatin systematically attacked all the features of Hamilton's program. As part of the constitutional bargain, the federal government had assumed the outstanding war debts of the states. Gallatin was particularly incensed at the way this was done. The government had given Pennsylvania's creditors, in exchange for the old notes, federal notes, one-third of which bore a lower interest rate than the original, and two-ninths of which would pay no interest whatsoever for ten years. Gallatin prevailed upon Pennsylvania to pay the difference to the creditors, and used the Ways and Means Committee of the legislature to publish his Genevan moralisms on debt. At Gallatin's insistence the state established the Bank of Pennsylvania, which was to serve as a competitor to, and an instrument of warfare against, the Bank of the United States. Ten days after Gallatin took his seat in the U.S. House, he proposed a resolution appointing a committee to superintend the general operations of the government's finances. Gallatin was appointed to the new House Ways and Means Committee, and for the next six years, the new Treasury Secretary Oliver Wolcott had to submit detailed reports of his operations to this committee dominated- by Gallatin. The Swiss gentleman took more and more power unto himself to block further progress along the lines Hamilton had previously directed the government s economic program. Thomas Jefferson and James Madison were delighted by Gallatin's growing power, as they were with Burr's ability to fix New York elections in their favor. Jefferson's attitude toward their activities could be summed up as: "We have common goals; don't tell me all the details, just do what's needed. " At Jefferson's request Gallatin drew up the 1796 Sketch of the Finances of the United States. Practical men of affairs, as many Americans considered themselves, were bound to be impressed. The Sketch was 200 pages of tables, statistics, and facts designed to prove that the government's debt had been growing alarmingly�from $72 million in 1790 to $78 million in 1796.(9) Gallatin proposed in debate that the debt be totally retired, and that the way to do this the soonest would be to substantially reduce U.S. military forces. In subsequent debates Gallatin proposed that the army be cut back, that navy appropriations be halted, and that ships under construction be abandoned before completion. The Jay Treaty was passed by the Senate in June 1795, and signed by President Washington. Though it left open the question of British seizure of U.S. ships and impressment of U.S. sailors into their navy, the treaty removed the British military from the forts they still occupied on U.S. soil. Gallatin and James Madison attacked the treaty in the House, declaring that, although the Constitution specifically gave the President and the Senate the right to decide on treaties, the House could nevertheless negate the treaty by defeating appropriations for its implementation�a tactic being revived today by opponents of high-technology military efforts. But Gallatin was given a rude shock by his Pennsylvania constituents. People living on the frontier, from all parties, sent petitions pleading for passage of the treaty. As Gallatin biographer Raymond Walters, Jr., explains: "Many westerners believed that the Indian raids of the past decade had been instigated by English agents along the Great Lakes and would cease as soon as the British treaty went into effect."(10) Treasury Secretary Oliver Wolcott wrote, during this time, in a letter to his father, "The leaders of the [opposition] party know that the British government does not conceive the treaty to be any great boon . . . Mr. Gallatin evidently leads in all measures, and it is neither unreasonable nor uncandid to believe that Mr. Gallatin is directed by foreign politics and influence.(11) Despite the concerns of his constituents in Pennsylvania, Gallatin had, of course, other (European) constituents to worry about. H[e and Edward Livingston, who was to be implicated with Aaron Burr in treason in Louisiana, carried a resolution from the House to President Washington. They demanded he turn over papers relating to the treaty, threatening that the treaty would not be a "binding instrument" without the approval of the House. Washington rejected their demands by challenging them to impeach him first. The Jeffersonians backed down and were defeated in the next election. The Federalist Colombian Sentinel of Boston warned that James Madison had become "file-coverer to an itinerant Genevan.''l2 The demoralized Madison resigned from Congress at the end of the session, and Albert Gallatin became Republican leader of the House. Gallatin's Foreign Policy Congressman Gallatin's foreign policy aim was to checkmate America's influence in the world. John Quincy Adams arrived in Berlin, November 7, 1797, having been appointed by his father, President Adams, to be America's first ambassador to the Court of Prussia. His assignments were to renew the expired trade treaty between the United States and Prussia, and to serve as the administration's main intelligence officer in Europe. While in Europe, Quincy Adams engaged in a passionate study of the German language and the classical literature of Friedrich Schiller, Gotthold Lessing, and other leaders of modern German thought. As a means of countering the domination of British culture over America, he created a movement to bring German language and literature back to the United States. Albert Gallatin had no constitutional right to interfere with the John Quincy Adams appointment. To get around this, on March 1, 1798, he proposed that appropriations for U.S. ministers in Germany and Holland be entirely eliminated, and America's diplomatic contact be limited to Great Britain, France, and Spain. He said money could be saved, and dangerous powers of patronage and influence could be kept out of the hands of the executive branch. (13) The congressional majority didn't accept Gallatin's contention that the United States should have no ties whatsoever with most nations, nor did they accept the idea that trade treaties would be of no advantage to the young nation. Indeed, in the face of arrogant attacks on U.S. shipping by the navies of Britain,, France, and British-supported North African terrorists, President John Adams proposed, and the Congress fully supported, the rapid construction of warships, and the establishment of a separate Department of the Navy. They were determined that our commerce would be protected. Gallatin complained that his critics wrongfully branded him as a "disorganizer . . . with a design of subverting the Constitution and of making a revolution. . ."(14) He bided his time; his chance would come. Burr's Political Machine Aaron Burr built a New York political machine in the 1790s, a power base from which to fight against the American nationalist experiment. Though America survived despite the efforts of Burr and his patrons, the particular corruption spawned by Aaron Burr in politics and finance has grown enormously in the twentieth century. With the assistance of his lieutenant, Edward Livingston, Burr reversed the 1792 gubernatorial election result by brazenly throwing out the entire vote of Otsego county. He ran in the combined presidential/vice-presidential race that year, receiving one electoral vote. Representative James Madison and Senator James Monroe proposed to President Washington in 1794 that Burr be appointed U.S. minister to France. The President replied that he never appointed to high office "any person . . . in whose integrity he had not confidence," and appointed Monroe instead.(15) With growing power in the state, Burr made himself Jefferson's choice for running-mate in the 1796 elections. Not only were the Federalists swept back into power, but Burr was snubbed and received one electoral vote from Virginia, while on the same ticket Jefferson polled 20 votes. Although the British had just concluded a treaty to withdraw their troops from America's frontier, they were nonetheless busy with other projects. Tennessee's Senator William Blount was discovered in 1797 to have been intriguing with British Ambassador Robert Liston for an attack on the Spanish territories of Louisiana and Florida. They planned to send western American settlers, Indians, and British troops down through the heart of the country from Canada. President Adams turned over correspondence of Senator Blount to the Congress, (16) and Blount was expelled. Whatever Blount's relationship may have been to Burr, the other Tennessee Senator�young Andrew Jackson�had become intimate with the New Yorker, a friendship which was crucial for Burr and Albert Gallatin's plans for dismembering the United States. Burr's Senate term expired in 1797, and he burrowed into the New York state legislature, intent on establishing the conditions for taking power in the elections of 1800 Two of his strongest supporters in statewide efforts were Colonel Charles Williamson of British military intelligence, and Burr's stepson John Bartow Prevost. They were at this time both powerful members of the legislature, representing, respectively, the British and Swiss ends of the alliance deploying Burr. Burr set up in New York City an election-fixing apparatus that was to be the model for future such efforts, using Tammany Hall for this purpose. An index card was made out for every single potential voter in the city, giving each person's political and psychological idiosyncrasies. The financing for Burr's political machine was anything but a grassroots affair. In the spring of 1799, he organized the Manhattan Company, asking the legislature for a charter that would allow the company to supply the city with fresh water. The city must be saved, he said, from the continued yellow fever plagues caused by the contaminated water supply. When the charter was granted, and its attendant prestige helped draw investments, Burr used an unnoticed clause whereby "surplus capital might be employed in any way not inconsistent with the laws," to start up the Manhattan Bank, later known as the Chase Manhattan Bank. Burr never supplied the city with water; the bank provided him with campaign financing; and the scam produced tremendous public outrage. Burr's reputation for crooked dealing was, by this time, so notorious that he lost the 1799 election for state legislator in his home district. And yet, Gallatin, the Swiss oligarch and minority leader of the U. S. House of Representatives who was entrusted by the Democratic-Republicans with the responsibility of choosing their party's vice-presidential candidate for the 1800 elections, chose Burr. In the ensuing presidential election, there was a tie between Jefferson and Burr in the electoral vote. The election went to the House. Burr's New York machine�riotously corrupt but perfectly ruthless swept that state's elections, and tipped the national balance. Jefferson and Burr received the highest number of electoral votes. But because each elector was at that time permitted to cast two votes, and everyone voted for a ticket, a predictable tie vote occurred between the two. The House of Representatives would now decide, casting one vote for each state's delegation. As he had been chosen the vice-presidential candidate of the Republican Party, it would have been logical for Burr now to simply take the second spot by arrangement with the House. But the British Empire had its own logic. Hamilton, in retirement still the nation's leading Federalist, was stunned by a letter from George Cabot, New England leader of Hamilton's party. Writing while election returns were still coming from the states, Cabot said: "The question has been asked whether, if the Federalists cannot carry their first points, they would not do as well to turn the election from Jefferson to Burr? They conceive Burr to be less likely to look to France for support than Jefferson They consider Burr as actuated by ordinary ambition, Jefferson by that and the pride of the Jacobinic philosophy. . "(17) When the tie was announced, the openly pro-British New England Federalists agreed on the strategy of either throwing the election to Aaron Burr, or failing that, to overthrow the constitutional provisions and place a strongman in power by other means. Boston's Columbia Sentinel expressed their sentiments succinctly: Whatever Mr. Burr may be reported to be, he will eventually turn out good as he is a grandson of the dignified Edwards, the great American luminary of Divinity . . . [and, in response to Southern criticism of the coup threats] But should the Federal members of Congress . . . elect Burr to the presidency, the northern states need be under very little apprehension of danger from this [Southern] mighty paper military skill and strength: For our "General'> [Burr] if called upon can assure them that he has seen southern regiments in former times and knows what they are composed of. (18) Burr made no formal public statement that he either sought or declined the presidency. But one action spoke volumes. After the tie was known, and one week before the House voting was to begin, Burr married off his only child to a South Carolina aristocrat, whose powerful family connections procured for Burr the House vote of that state. Burr's most important ally, Albert Gallatin, had been chosen by the Republicans to be their floor leader for the contest; the context of their peculiar alliance (as cousins) could not have been known to Jefferson and Madison. Milton Lomask, author of Aaron Burr�The Years from Princeton to Vice-Prestdent, 1756-1805, gives a partial insight into Gallatin's feelings about the election: To [Burr at] Albany . . . came a disturbing suggestion from Albert Gallatin. Dated 3 February, this communication from the leader of the Jeffersonian forces in Washington has never been found. It probably never will be. Burr is thought to have destroyed it. Perhaps Gallatin asked him to do so .... Had his 3 February letter come to light in 1801, the Swiss-born financial wizard would never have received [any] appointment at the hands of Thomas Jefferson.... . . . [T]he journal of Benjamin Butterton Howell [a New York merchant], unearthed in the 1960s, [states] "The election by the House was about to come on," Burr sent for two of his closest supporters . . . he "laid before them a letter from Albert Gallatin, informing him that the election was in the hands of Genl Smith [political boss] of Maryland� [Congressman] Lynn [Linn] of N Jersey & Edward Liv- ingston of NY�who held the balance of those three states, that they were friendly to Burr�but to secure them he must be on the spot himself, and urging him by all means to hasten to Washington without an instants delay."(19) Burr's reply to Gallatin's letter survives: For "ten days past" he had believed that "all was settled, & that J would have 10 or 11 votes [9 states would be a majority] on the first trial. I am therefore utterly surprised by the contents of yours of the 3d."(20) On the first ballot in the House of Representatives Aaron Burr had an actual majority of the individual congressmen's votes; Jefferson had more states in his column but no majority. Alexander Hamilton faced a bleak reality. The alliance of leading families which had supported the Revolution, the Constitution, and his economic development program, had collapsed into agent-ridden chaos. The leaders of New England were pro-British; those of the South were anti-industrial; Burr's "Little Band" ran New York; and Gallatin was strong in Pennsylvania. Those who might have agreed with Hamilton's American nationalist outlook were silent; those who were hostile to the nation's existence had assumed control of such extended family constellations as the cousins Lee (Virginia), Shippen (Pennsylvania), and Livingston (New York). Hamilton, acting alone, rose to do battle with the New England slave-trading merchant families who were backing Burr for President. He wrote letters to all leading Federalists. He wrote and spoke, in public and private, with the full understanding that the future of his country, and possibly the human race, was at stake. Hamilton wrote to New York Senator Gouverneur Morris: "Jefferson or Burr?�the former without all doubt. The latter . . . will use the worst part of the community as a ladder to permanent power, & an instrument to crush the better part. He is bankrupt beyond redemption except by the resources that grow out of war and disorder or by a sale to a foreign power or by great peculation."(21) He told Delaware's lone Congressman James Bayard that Burr was "without probity . . . a voluptuary by system . . . corrupt expedients will be to him a necessary resource. Will any prudent man offer such a President to the temptations of foreign gold?"(22) Hamilton stunned the political world with the passion of his attack on Burr. Twentieth-century writers speak condescendingly of Hamilton's fight as "harangues," "declamations," "hysterical jeremiads," "vituperation pushed to the breaking-point," "essays in detraction," "billingsgate," "slanderous," and "weird." Most unforgivable, from the standpoint of our mouse-like historians, Hamilton was "pitifully alone," a position they would dread to assume. The Burr scholar quoted by the July 11, 1982, New York Times, Dr. Mary Jo Kline, said that "the verifiable facts of [Burr's] life were so incredible that 'serious scholars have approached Burr hesitantly.'" Perhaps Hamilton knew something our scholars don't. Hamilton finally concentrated on winning over Bayard's decisive Delaware vote. Jefferson's "politics," Hamilton wrote, "are tinctured with fanaticism . . . he has been a mischievous enemy to the principal measures of our past administration . . . he is crafty . . . he is a contemptible hypocrite." But he would not overturn the established government, he would not be violent, he was not "capable of being corrupted."(23) Hamilton advised Bayard to get his own assurances from Jefferson to the same effect. Bayard listened to reason. He told Hamilton that Jefferson had given him the assurances that Hamilton recommended. On the 35th ballot he broke the deadlock, as three Federalist congressmen cast blank ballots. Jefferson was elected President on the 36th ballot, ten states to four. pps 35-52 --(notes)-- 1. Journal of Pennsylvania House of Representatives, January 14, 1791, microfilm of the Papers of Albert Gallatin, New York University, 1972. 2. Resolution expelling Gallatin adopted by the United States Senate February 28, 1794, microfilm Gal latin Papers. 3. See Albert Gallatin to Aaron Burr, [no month or day], 1794, (Reel 3, Item 616), Papers of Aaron Burr, ed. Mary Jo Kline, New-York Historical Society and the Microfilming Corporation of America, 1978; Burr was serving in effect as Gallatin's attorney in the case. 4. Thomas Clare to Albert Gallatin, Dec. 14, 1794, microfilm Gallatin Papers 5. Stevens, Albert Gallatin, p. 93. Oliver Wolcott wrote to Oliver Wolcott Sr., Sept. 23, 1796: "All the great rogues who began the mischief have submitted, and become partisans of government. Findley, Smilie, Gallatin &c., are of this class. The principles of justice and policy required that these men should be hanged; but as they have deserted their party, the punishment will fall upon persons less criminal and influential"quoted in Memoirs of the Administrations of Washington and John Adams, Edited from the Papers of Oliver Wolcott, Secretary of the Treasury, by George Gibbs William Van Norden, Printer, New York, 1846, Vol. I, p. 159. 6. Burr, Memoirs, Vol. I, p. 331. 7. Aaron Burr to Theodosia Prevost Burr, Dec. 18, 1791, Burr, Memoirs, Vol. I, pp. 312-313. 8. Hamilton, Alexander, Observations on Certain Documents Contained in No. V & VI of "The History of the United States for the Year 1796," In Which the Charge of Peculation Against Alexander Hamilton, Late Secretary of the Treasury, is Fully Refuted. Written by Himself, printed for John Ferno by John Bioren, Philadelphia, 1797, reproduced in Papers of Alexander Hamilton, Vol XXI, pp. 238-285. 9. Gallatin, Albert, A Sketch of the Finances of the United States, printed by William A. Davis, New York, 1796. This pamphlet is a masterpiece of "lying with figures." In his conclusion, Gallatin tries to make it seem that the national debt had risen over the six years by $14. 4 million, by subtracting from the starting 1790 figure, the $11.6 million of state debts originally assumed by Alexander Hamilton, "on the principle that state debts were not proper debts of the Union. . ." 10. Walters, Raymond, Albert Gallatin: Jeffersonian Financier and Diplomat, The Macmillan Company, New York, 1957, p. 99. 11. Oliver Wolcott to Oliver Wolcott, Sr., April 18, 1796, quoted in Memoirs Vol. I, p. 327. 12. Columbia Sentinel, Boston, April 27, 1796. 13. Gallatin speech March 1, 1798, Annals of Congress, 1798, R. Folwell, Philadelphia, 1798, pp. 1118-1143, microfilm Gallatin Papers. 14. Gallatin's speech in Congress March 1, 1798, quoted in Adams, Life of Albert Gallatin p. 198. 15. Burr, Memoirs, Yol. I, pp. 408-409. 16. See United states Congressional Record, House of Representatives, July, 1797, p. 448-466 (debate) and p. 3152-3154 (the incriminating Blount letter to his British contact). In the debate, Congressman Albert Gallatin, blustering about whether a Congressman is a "government officer" (and thus impeachable), led the attempt to stop Blount's removal. 17. George Cabot to Alexander Hamilton, Hamilton Papers, Vol. XXV, pp. 62-64. 18. Columbia Centinel, Boston, Jan. 28, 1801, p. 2, Feb. 18, 1801, p. 3. 19. Lomask, Burr 1756-1805, pp. 287-288. 20. Aaron Burr to Albert Gallatin, Feb. 12, 1801, in the Gallatin Papers; reel 3 of the Burr Papers. 21. Alexander Hamilton to Gouverneur Morris, December 24, 1800,Hamilton Papers, Vol XXV, pp. 271-273. 22. Alexander Hamilton to James A. Bayard, Dec. 27, 1800, ibid, Vol. 25, pp. 275-277. 23. Alexander Hamilton to James A. Bayard, Jan. 16, 1801, ibid, Vol. XXV, pp. 319-324. --cont-- Aloha, He'Ping, Om, Shalom, Salaam. 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