-Caveat Lector-

>From The Age
http://www.theage.com.au/daily/990328/news/news19.html

Lead-in ...

Uncle Sam's secret agenda

By JOHN PILGER


WHEN the United States dropped the atomic bomb on Hiroshima, the front page
of the London Daily Express said: ``This is a warning to the world.'' When
American missiles and bombs attacked a sovereign European state last Friday,
it was another clear warning to the world, with the message fundamentally
unchanged.

The most powerful and rapacious imperial power in history will stop at
nothing to secure its domination over human affairs.
<<Remainder at site>>


>From The Nation
http://www.thenation.com/issue/990419/0419klare.shtml

April 19, 1999
The Clinton Doctrine
See below for background and related information. <<At site>>
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President Clinton's decision to use military force against the Serbs was not
simply a calculated response to Slobodan Milosevic's intransigence. A
careful reading of recent Administration statements and Pentagon documents
shows that the NATO bombing is part of a larger strategic vision.

That vision has three basic components. The first is an increasingly
pessimistic appraisal of the global security environment. "In this last
annual threat assessment of the twentieth century," Director of Central
Intelligence George Tenet testified on February 2, "I must tell you that US
citizens and interests are threatened in many arenas and across a wide
spectrum of issues." Those perils range from regional conflict and
insurgency to terrorism, criminal violence and ethnic unrest.

The second component is the assumption that as a global power with far-flung
economic interests, the United States has a vested interest in maintaining
international stability. Because no other power or group of powers can
guarantee this stability, the United States must be able to act on its own
or in conjunction with its most trusted allies (meaning NATO).

The third component is a conviction that to achieve global stability, the
United States must maintain sufficient forces to conduct simultaneous
military operations in widely separated areas of the world against multiple
adversaries, and it must revise its existing security alliances--most of
which, like NATO, are defensive in nature--so that they can better support
US global expeditionary operations.

Combined, these three propositions constitute a new strategic template for
the US military establishment. This template is evident, for example, in the
$112 billion the President wants to add to the Defense Department budget
over the next six years, which will be used to procure additional warships,
cargo planes, assault vehicles and other equipment intended for "power
projection" into distant combat zones.

Less public, but no less significant, is the US effort to convert NATO from
a defensive alliance in Western Europe into a regional police force governed
by Washington. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright first unveiled this
scheme this past December at a meeting of NATO foreign ministers in
Brussels. Claiming that missile-armed "rogue states" pose as great a threat
to Europe as the Warsaw Pact once did, Albright called on NATO to extend its
operational zone into distant areas and to combat a wide range of emerging
threats. "Common sense tells us," she said, "that it is sometimes better to
deal with instability when it is still at arm's length than to wait until it
is at our doorstep."

Herein lies the essence of what might be termed the Clinton Doctrine--the
proposition that the best way to maintain stability in the areas that truly
matter to the United States (like Western Europe) is to combat instability
in other areas, however insignificant it may seem, before it can intensify
and spread. Perhaps the most explicit expression of this doctrine was
Clinton's February 26 speech in San Francisco--an important statement that
clearly foreshadowed the decision to bomb Serbia:

It's easy...to say that we really have no interests in who lives in this or
that valley in Bosnia, or who owns a strip of brushland in the Horn of
Africa, or some piece of parched earth by the Jordan River. But the true
measure of our interests lies not in how small or distant these places are,
or in whether we have trouble pronouncing their names. The question we must
ask is, what are the consequences to our security of letting conflicts
fester and spread. We cannot, indeed, we should not, do everything or be
everywhere. But where our values and our interests are at stake, and where
we can make a difference, we must be prepared to do so [emphasis added].
This is an extraordinary statement; not since the Vietnam era has a US
President articulated such an ambitious and far-reaching policy. Moreover,
as we have seen in the Balkans, Clinton has every intention of acting on its
precepts. His decision to bomb Serbia is consistent with a clearly
delineated strategic plan.

There is a growing debate over the wisdom of bombing Serbia. Certainly many
people are concerned about the humanitarian dimensions of the Serbian
actions in Kosovo. But in the course of this debate it is essential not to
lose sight of the larger strategic doctrine behind the bombing. If the newly
hatched Clinton Doctrine is not repudiated, the bombing of Yugoslavia may be
only the first in a series of recurring overseas interventions--a prospect
that should galvanize peace and disarmament groups across America.

Michael T. Klare

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----------------------------------------------------------------------------
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Michael T. Klare, professor of peace and world security studies at Hampshire
College, is The Nation's defense correspondent.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
----


>From http://www.zmag.org/belgrade.htm

THE BELGRADE CENTRE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Mlatisumina 26, 11000 Beograd, FR Yugoslavia
Tel/fax (+381 11) 432 572 or 344 1203.
E-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED]

The massive air strikes against Yugoslavia destroy not only army
installations. They also take human lives and ruin the economic
infrastructure of our impoverished country. In the long run, however, the
biggest collateral damage will be the shattered possibilities for democracy
in Serbia. We fear that the only durable result of the undeclared war will
be a permanent state of emergency, legal and spiritual, this time with the
support of the bewildered majority, which has always sided with the
government in times of extreme adversity and danger. Democratic and economic
transition in Serbia is the only real cure for the Kosovo problem and hope
for achieving stability in the Balkans. Our long-standing criticism of the
policies of the Serbian regime and especially its human rights record is
well known. However, we regard the NATO's decision "to use violence for
humanitarian reasons" as a sign of incompetence and impotence of the US and
EU policies in regard to Kosovo, rather than an unavoidable move after all
other efforts had failed. Air strikes signify the defeat of the
international community's long-standing policy towards Serbia, which has
been exclusively based on negotiating with Mr. Milosevic and pressuring him
to deliver peace.

There will be no real peace and stability in the region and there will
certainly be no peace in Yugoslavia unless Serbia embarks on the road to
democracy and market economy. However, it appears that the international
community has never seriously considered this option. There has been no real
effort to promote and assist the position of those in Serbia that have been
endeavoring to put their country on the road to democracy. On the contrary,
economic and political isolation of FR Yugoslavia has been maintained
although it has been clear that this immensely aids authoritarian and
xenophobic extremists. In the atmosphere of war and national calamity these
enemies of democracy will feel no inhibitions and will meet with little
resistance. Occasional maladroit attempts to "assist" democracy and human
rights in Serbia by vague promises of money to individuals and groups have
only exposed non-governmental organizations in Yugoslavia to accusations of
cupidity and treacherous service to foreign enemies. A fresh and very
unfortunate example is the introduction in the US Senate of a "Serbian
Democratization Act" in the wake of the first night of bombings!

The air strikes erased in one night the results of ten years of hard work of
groups of courageous people in the non-governmental organizations and in the
democratic opposition, who have not tried to "topple" anyone but to develop
the institutions of civil society, to promote liberal and civic values, to
teach non-violent conflict resolution. The emerging democracy in Montenegro
is in peril and will be hard to maintain now. The Kosovo problem will remain
unsolved and the future of democracy and human rights in Serbia uncertain
for many years.

However, we still hope that it is not too late for all the parties involved
to come to their senses and try to resolve this situation through
negotiations and without further violence.

For the Centre,

Professor Vojin Dimitrijevic, Former Vice-Chairman of the UN Human Rights
Committee

~~~~~~~~~~~~
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