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The Interview That Never Happened
When the Masters of Spin Go Silent
by Christopher Deliso in Skopje
December 16, 2002

With the White House seemingly on an unavoidable collision course with Saddam Hussein,
hawkish policy planners now face a new challenge: how to sell the war to an 
increasingly
unenthusiastic public. All across America � from Long Island to Minneapolis, from 
Boston to
Atlanta, from Sioux Falls to Sacramento to Seattle � antiwar demonstrations have been
springing up, as even citizens normally disinterested in foreign affairs voice concern 
over
the possible negative effects war would have on the economy. In addition, there is a
growing unease that war with Iraq would negatively impact on America's image abroad,
and perhaps incite further al Qaeda terrorism as a form of revenge � although, 
ironically,
bin Laden has no affection for Saddam. The president, of course, is desperately hoping 
he
can find the two in cahoots, somehow.

Keeping in mind that Iraq never attacked the United States, neither in 1990 or now, the
looming war is hard to justify. That is, unless public relations can again save the 
day.

A Paradigm Shift

The Gulf War was the first time America played the humanitarian card to justify 
attacking a
much weaker country. What began with Bush's "babies in incubators" myth (handled by PR
whiz Hill & Knowlton) was perfected by Clinton, who almost ten years later used the 
all-
too-popular (and all-too-bogus) myth of "ethnic cleansing" to justify attacking Serbia.
Almost four years on, anti-Serbian biasstill pervades the British and American media 
and
think-tanks. Anti-Iraq coverage goes without saying.

After September 11th, the paradigm has shifted from humanitarian intervention to
terrorism pre-emption. Yet the White House's self-declared right to "shoot first and 
ask
questions later" portrays the administration negatively, as both cowboy desperado and
confused paranoic. It also begs the question of whether ulterior motivesare at work 
here,
as John Pilger argues in a scathing indictment of US energy goals in Iraq.

Although Americans are much more clever this time around, after witnessing a decade of
PR propaganda in the Yugoslav wars, the White House apparently believes that the 
average
citizen will still support war, if it is only spun the right way. The only question is 
who will do
the spinning.

Enter Rendon?

The last Gulf War was brought to you partially by a little company in Washington known 
as
the Rendon Group. This PR giant has clients around the world, but none quite so grand 
as
the United States government. Rendon was once enlisted to make the case � subtly and
deceptively � for why America should support a war against Saddam. And in the end, it
worked. But the worst thing? The PR blitz that captivated both media and ordinary 
citizens
alike was paid for by the very people it was meant to seduce � the American taxpayers,
whose funds continue to grease the wheels for the government's war machine. However,
the people ate it up � sadly, re-affirming the adage that the voters get the leaders 
they
deserve.

The Unsuccessful Request

I thought, therefore, that an interview with the Rendon Group about their past 
successes
and future aspirations would allow them a chance to give their side of the story � 
since
most published reports have been overwhelmingly critical. However, my requests for an
interview met only with silence. Were the nuanced masters of eloquent persuasion 
really at
a loss for words?

Since they apparently are, I have been forced to conduct an interview with a respondent
who is absent, drawing on Rendon's publicly-made statements and independent
investigations. Coming from an aggressively outspoken PR firm, silence would seem
incrimination enough. Yet as we will see, even their own statements give them away.

In the following, the questions I had prepared come at the headings of each section.

How Would You Describe Your Services and Objectives?

"The Rendon Group (TRG) is a Global Strategic Communications Consultancy providing
products and services to both public and private sector clients. TRG's expertise 
includes
strategic communications consultation, planning and evaluation; information strategy 
and
operations; public and media relations planning and implementation; crisis management;
news collection and analysis; information mapping; survey research; media production; 
and
tactical communications team deployment. To date, TRG has worked in eighty (80)
countries, frequently on location in a conflict environment, and has considerable 
experience
in establishing field offices to support program objectives."

This description � culled directly from the Rendon Group's website � gives in 
"official"
language a picture that can basically be boiled down to two words: information war. 
After
first accumulating data, they manipulate it � and in some cases, sanitize it � to win 
either
people's emotional support or their dollars. In this age of civilized excess, when we 
are
constantly being bombarded with information, it requires a careful shaping effort to 
make
that information meaningful. And, as we will see below, producing meaningful 
information
is the first step towards producing war.

Who Are Your Clients?

PR companies are essentially soulless. Like mercenaries, they will work for anyone and
everyone who can pay � with the possible exception of racist or subversive 
organizations,
as that would be bad for their own PR.

However, this general lack of values is, paradoxically, what accounts for their 
perceived
legitimacy. Working as it has for innocuous clients like the Massachusetts Office of 
Travel
and Tourism, the National Transportation Safety Board, and the National Education
Association has given the Rendon Group a veneer of respectability.

Among the full list of global clients, however, one finds others whose goals are 
ambivalent,
or somewhat suspicious, or even downright dangerous. In most cases, however, the
connection keeps coming back to support of US government and big business interests.

For example, we have the United States Trade & Development Agency, Colombian Ministry
of Defense, the Government of Kuwait and Kuwait Petroleum Corporation.

The USTDA facilitates major international projects, funding feasibility studies and
development for US-connected business interests. Wherever large infrastructure projects
like oil pipelines are being contemplated, there is the TDA.

Oil is the link to the KPC, a company run by an assortment of sheiks � most of them
educated in the United States. The company was founded in 1934 by a British-American
consortium that has since morphed into BP and Chevron � two companies with large
interests in the Middle East and Caspian areas. The government of Kuwait is a 
no-brainer,
given Rendon's efforts against Saddam in the Gulf War. And as for Colombia, the US has
for years been selling arms to expedite the Colombian government's war on Leftist 
rebels,
and fuelling an unwinnable "War on Drugs" at the same time. It is clear that while the
Rendon Group may have some "independent" clients (like the Association of Massage
Therapists), the majority lie within a closed circle of governmental bodies that share
overlapping policies � sadly, often harmonizing in war.

Which Clients Inhabit the Unknown Zone?

Then there is the rather odd assortment of Caribbean clients: the governments of Haiti,
Antigua & Barbuda, Netherlands Antilles and Aruba, and neighboring Panama. Finally 
there
is the St. Lucia Labour Party. There is little information for what must be a very 
interesting
relationship here, as Rendon is silent about the affairs of its clients. What is 
publicly known
is that in the mid-1990's Rendon helped the embattled Aristide in Haiti (he paid 
through a
bank account in Washington) and worked on a CIA contract to aid the opposition to 
Manuel
Noriega in 1989. This was emulated soon thereafter in Iraq.

And Which Clients Should We Be Afraid Of?

Finally there are the decisively pro-War clients. There is the Air Intelligence Agency 
(AIA),
which runs the Air Force's "information warfare" center from its base in Lackland, 
Texas. In
addition to the Defense Department itself, Rendon has worked with the Defense Advanced
Research Projects Agency, or DARPA. This secretive body is currently involved with the
Bush Administration's grandiose plans for an all-seeing national supercomputer. 
Although it
is not mentioned on the company website, the CIA is one of the Rendon Group's longest-
standing partners. The final client is the White House itself, which of course has the 
final
say over all of these bodies.

Have You Worked In The Balkans?

The Rendon Group was not so involved as other companies, notably Ruder-Finn, in the
Yugoslav wars. However, it did aid Bosnian privatization and helped set up an 
interesting
little project paid for by the US Department of Defense � the "Balkan Information
Exchange." This sprung up during the Kosovo bombardment to bolster the government's
position. And if its relation to previous government contracts was in any doubt, the 
fact that
it eventually morphed into the "Balkan Times" settles the question.

A glossy, slickly-presented slice of the internet � available in a whopping nine 
languages �
the Balkan Times is paid for by the US Department of Defense.

What Were Your Biggest Successes?

Company president John Rendon, a self-described "information warrior," fondly recalled 
to
a military audience one of his biggest successes of the Gulf War:

"If any of you either participated in the liberation of Kuwait City� or if you watched 
it on
television, you would have seen hundreds of Kuwaitis waving small American flags," John
Rendon said in his speech to the NSC. "Did you ever stop to wonder how the people of
Kuwait City, after being held hostage for seven long and painful months, were able to 
get
hand-held American flags? And for that matter, the flags of other coalition countries? 
Well,
you now know the answer. That was one of my jobs."

The flag shenanigan was so important because it "proved" to Arabic and other Muslim
television viewers that America was their friend. People waving American flags and
cheering on the US of A is a potent tactic anywhere in the world where jaded viewers 
need
reassurance. As in Kuwait, such displays are generally encouraged � except, however, 
for
times when they show American policy in contradiction, as in the mountain wilds of
Macedonia.

Have Their Been Any Failures?

Although they would be loath to admit it, there have been several instances of
unprofessionalism from Rendon that only ended up wasting a lot of money. Most
embarrassing of all was the anti-Saddam radio hour � conceived and executed six years
ago, by a bunch of college kids in Boston.

For $3,000 a month � in which he worked about 8 days total � a Harvard Arabic student
was whisked by limo to a recording studio rented out by Rendon. His qualifications? "I 
was
a good Arabic translator who did a great Saddam imitation," the student disclosed
anonymously. The student's job was to mimic Saddam in bogus speeches and mock the
Iraqi leader in radio broadcasts that would (or so they thought) strike a chord with 
the Iraqi
people. However, the conscientious student quickly found that the organization and
execution of the project left something to be desired:

"The point was to discredit Saddam, but the stuff was complete slapstick," the student 
says.
"We did skits where Saddam would get mixed up in his own lies, or where [Saddam's son]
Qusay would stumble over his own delusions of grandeur� no one in- house spoke a word
of Arabic," he says. "They thought I was mocking Saddam, but for all they knew I could
have been lambasting the US government."

The scripts, he adds, were often ill conceived. "Who in Iraq is going to think it's 
funny to
poke fun at Saddam's mustache," the student notes, "when the vast majority of Iraqi men
themselves have mustaches?"

Rendon also employed Jordanians and Egyptians whose accents were barely intelligible to
the average Iraqi. The result? "The radio broadcasts were a complete mumble," says the
student � who has since left Rendon out of frustration at their ineptitude. While 
working
there, however, he was kept in the dark about who was behind it all:

"I never got a straight answer on whether the Iraqi resistance, the CIA or policy 
makers on
the Hill were actually the ones calling the shots," says the student, "but ultimately 
I realized
that the guys doing spin were very well and completely cut loose."

This is corroborated a CIA agent who disparaged the project, charging that "the scripts
were put together by 23-year-olds with connections to the Democratic National 
Committee."

Should This Be Upsetting To American Taxpayers?

The short answer is yes. The clumsy student radio program was only part of Rendon's 
work
for the Iraqi National Congress (INC), a pseudo-diplomatic proxy used as a puppet by
Rendon and the CIA. The enormous INC fiasco shows better than anything else how the
hard-earned money of the American taxpayer has gone directly down the drain, to fuel a
propaganda war whose prime victims were those who had unwittingly paid for it.

What Was Rendon's Role in Propping Up the Iraqi Opposition?

ABC's Peter Jennings disclosed in 1998 that Rendon burned $23 million dollars in the 
first
year of its contract with the CIA. It set up and christened the Iraqi National 
Congress (INC),
as well as the Iraqi Broadcasting Corporation (IBC) and Radio Hurriah, a vehicle for 
Iraqi
opposition propaganda.

The INC, a disparate group of Kurds and Iraqis opposed to Hussein, was set up in both
northern Iraq and big Kurdish diaspora areas, notably London. In 1992 the CIA set up
Ahmed Chalabi, an MIT-educated mathematician and dissident, to front the organization.
Years later, the "help" Chalabi received from Rendon would come back to haunt him. An
inside picture of the PR giant presents it as not only a puppet of war-mongers, but 
also as
woefully corrupt and unaccountable � a double deceiver of the American people.

Rendon's INC Free-For-All

A former CIA agent who worked with the INC called Rendon's involvement details the
prolonged scam that cost American taxpayers up to $150 million:

"The money went to consultants in Washington � millions, and millions, and millions of
dollars," he said, on strict condition of anonymity. "Millions" went to American 
consultants in
London, as well as to other consultants posted around the Middle East, he alleged, who
made small fortunes that were used later to buy big houses in poshest Washington
neighborhoods.

"There was one woman who was getting $500,000 a year in salary" to work on the Iraq
campaign in London, he said. "She was getting per diem when she was hired, about $400 a
day in London." Then she was put on the payroll, "but they never stopped the per 
diem," he
said. "So she was getting a salary of a hundred [thousand] and something, and then she
moved into an apartment, so she wasn't paying for a hotel. And this went on for three
years. And then she said, 'I need some office space,' and so she went out and rented 
this
office space. And then she subleased it. So right there I can account for a million 
dollars,
siphoned off.

�At the end of the year we � the CIA's Iraq Group � had money left over, so we got
instructions from the DO [the CIA's Directorate of Operations]: 'Well, go and spend 
it.' So
we went out and bought brand new Jeep Cherokees� all the cars we had in the Middle
East for the Iraqi program were going to the wives of the COS's [the chiefs of 
station]� It
was a $150 million rip-off. Go up to northwest [Washington, D.C.] and look at those big
houses, and you'll know how they got paid for."

When the inevitable CIA audit came years later, however, Ahmad Chalabi was blamed for
the waste; "but according to the CIA man, "Chalabi got nothing [illegal] from it."

What Has Rendon Been Working On Since 9/11?

Shortly after al Qaeda struck in New York and Washington, the Rendon Group was enlisted
to help pave the way for an attack on Afghanistan � at that time, something that was 
not a
given. The urgency of the task was indicated by the fact that Rendon was awarded a
contract � on a no-bid basis. Apparently, the military had no time to lose in selling 
a war
before cooler heads could prevail and the window of opportunity slam shut. The PR 
effort
was not only meant to win domestic support � but also "to win over the hearts and 
minds of
Arabs and Muslims worldwide." While the former won general acceptance, the latter did
not succeed, and probably never will.

On 25 October 2001, Pentagon media officer Lt. Col. Kenneth McClellan explained why
Rendon was chosen:

"We needed a firm that could provide strategic counsel immediately� we were interested
in someone that we knew could come in quickly and help us orient to the challenge of
communicating to a wide range of groups around the world."

At first, the company was awarded $400,000 over four months to monitor media, conduct
focus groups and opinion surveys, and cook up other ways to counter what the Pentagon
saw as "disinformation" (i.e., any antiwar dissent). The contract was renewed for 2002.

Earlier this year, the Rendon Group was asked for some further details about this (and
other) propaganda campaigns. But just like now, they were silent:

"A spokeswoman for the company said she could not reveal what the company did for the
Pentagon on that project, but a well-informed source who has worked with Rendon said it
went beyond wooing foreign journalists to setting up disguised-source, pro-U.S Web 
sites in
several foreign languages and blast-faxing foreign media and search engines with 
pro-U.S.
information."

Will Rendon Help Spin Gulf War II?

Other investigators have found that the Rendon Group is "tight-lipped" about its 
involvement
with the upcoming installment of Gulf War II. A current Rendon Arabic translator
commented, "All I can say is that nothing has changed � the work is still an expensive
waste of time, mostly with taxpayer funds." While it would not be surprising if Rendon 
is
hired to spin the next war, it will be interesting to see whether the American people 
will
once again take the bait.

The verdict therefore seems to be that, while America clumsily bullies its way 
militarily
across the Middle East, it will unleash an equally unprofessional � but lucrative � 
public
relations campaign, and probably with the help of the now-tarnished Rendon Group. But
that is no reason to be upset or surprised: after all, we get what we pay for.

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