-Caveat Lector-

Patrick Henry slams Bush and our pathetic bootlicking Congress that gives away our 
liberties wholesale.  His warning scenario is todays reality.
Wake up.
-----------------------

Shall Liberty or Empire be Sought?,
Virginia Convention, June 5, 1788

THIS, sir, is the language of democracy - that a majority of the community have a 
right to alter government when found to be oppressive. But how different is the genius 
of your new Constitution from this! How different from the sentiments of freemen that 
a contemptible minority can prevent the good of the majority! If, then, gentlemen 
standing on this ground are come to that point, that they are willing to bind 
themselves and their posterity to be oppressed, I am amazed and inexpressibly 
astonished. If this be the opinion of the majority, I must submit; but to me, sir, it 
appears perilous and destructive. I can not help thinking so. Perhaps it may be the 
result of my age. These may be feelings natural to a man of my years, when the 
American spirit has left him, and his mental powers, like the members of the body, are 
decayed. If, sir, amendments are left to the twentieth, or tenth part of the people of 
America, your liberty is gone for ever.

We have heard that there is a great deal of bribery practised in the House of Commons 
of England, and that many of the members raise themselves to preferments by selling 
the rights of the whole of the people. But, sir, the tenth part of that body can not 
continue oppressions on the rest of the people. English liberty is, in this case, on a 
firmer foundation than American liberty. It will be easily contrived to procure the 
opposition of the one-tenth of the people to any alteration, however judicious. The 
honorable gentleman who presides told us that, to prevent abuses in our government, we 
will assemble in convention, recall our delegated powers, and punish our servants for 
abusing the trust reposed in them. Oh, sir! we should have fine times, indeed, if, to 
punish tyrants, it were only sufficient to assemble the people! Your arms, wherewith 
you could defend yourselves, are gone; and you have no longer an aristocratical, no 
longer a democratical spirit. Did you ever read of a
 ny re
volution in a nation, brought about by the punishment of those in power, inflicted by 
those who had no power at all? You read of a riot act in a country which is called one 
of the freest in the world, where a few neighbors can not assemble without the risk of 
being shot by a hired soldiery, the engines of despotism. We may see such an act in 
America.

A standing army we shall have, also, to execute the execrable commands of tyranny; and 
how are you to punish them? Will you order them to be punished? Who shall obey these 
orders? Will your mace-bearer be a match for a disciplined regiment? In what situation 
are we to be? The clause before you gives a power of direct taxation, unbounded and 
unlimited--an exclusive power of legislation, in all cases whatsoever, for ten miles 
square, and over all places purchased for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, 
dockyards, etc. What resistance could be made? The attempt would be madness. You will 
find all the strength of this country in the hands of your enemies; their garrisons 
will naturally be the strongest places in the country. Your militia is given up to 
Congress, also, in another part of this plan; they will therefore act as they think 
proper; all power will be in their own possession. You can not force them to receive 
their punishment: of what service would militia be to
 you,
when, most probably, you will not have a single musket in the State? For, us arms are 
to be provided by Congress, they may or may not furnish them.

The honorable gentleman then went on to the figure we make with foreign nations; the 
contemptible one we make in France and Holland, which, according to the substance of 
the notes, he attributes to the present feeble government. An opinion has gone forth, 
we find, that we are contemptible people; the time has been when we were thought 
otherwise. Under the same despised government we commanded the respect of all Europe; 
wherefore are we now reckoned otherwise? The American spirit has fled from hence: it 
has gone to regions where it has never been expected; it has gone to the people of 
France in search of a splendid government, a strong, energetic government. Shall we 
imitate the example of those nations who have gone from a simple to a splendid 
government? Are those nations more worthy of our imitation? What can make an adequate 
satisfaction to them for the loss they have suffered in attaining such a 
government--for the loss of their liberty? If we admit this consolidated gove
 rnmen
t, it will be because we like a great, splendid one. Some way or other we must be a 
great and mighty empire; we must have an army, and a navy, and a number of things. 
When the American spirit was in its youth, the language of America was different; 
liberty, sir, was then the primary object.

We are descended from a people whose government was founded on liberty; our glorious 
forefathers of Great Britain made liberty the foundation of everything. That country 
is become a great, mighty, and splendid nation; not because their government is strong 
and energetic, but, sir, because liberty is its direct end and foundation. We drew the 
spirit of liberty from our British ancestors; by that spirit we have triumphed over 
every difficulty. But now, sir, the American spirit, assisted by the ropes and chains 
of consolidation, is about to convert this country into a powerful and mighty empire. 
If you make the citizens of this country agree to become the subjects of one great 
consolidated empire of America, your government will not have sufficient energy to 
keep them together. Such a government is incompatible with the genius of 
republicanism. There will be no checks, no real balances, in this government. What can 
avail your specious, imaginary balances, your rope-dancing, chai
 n-rat
tling, ridiculous ideal checks and contrivances? But, sir, "we are not feared by 
foreigners; we do not make nations tremble." Would this constitute happiness or secure 
liberty? I trust, sir, our political hemisphere will ever direct their operations to 
the security of those objects.

Consider our situation, sir; go to the poor man and ask him what he does. He will 
inform you that he enjoys the fruits of his labor, under his own fig tree, with his 
wife and children around him, in peace and security. Go to every other member of 
society; you will find the same tranquil ease and content; you will find no alarms or 
disturbances. Why, then, tell us of danger, to terrify us into an adoption of this new 
form of government? And yet who knows the dangers that this new system may produce? 
They are out of sight of the common people; they can not foresee latent consequences. 
I dread the operation of it on the middling and lower classes of people; it is for 
them I fear the adoption of this system. I fear I tire the patience of the committee, 
but I beg to be indulged with a few more observations.

When I thus profess myself an advocate for the liberty of the people, I shall be told 
I am a designing man, that I am to be a great man, that I am to be a demagog; and many 
similar illiberal insinuations will be thrown out; but, sir, conscious rectitude 
outweighs those things with me. I see great jeopardy in this new government. I see 
none from our present one. I hope some gentleman or other will bring forth, in full 
array, those dangers, if there be any, that we may see and touch them. I have said 
that I thought this a consolidated government; I will now prove it. Will the great 
rights of the people be secured by this government? Suppose it should prove 
oppressive, how can it be altered? Our Bill of Rights declares that "a majority of the 
community hath an indubitable, unalienable, and indefeasible right to reform, alter, 
or abolish it, in such manner as shall be judged most conducive to the public weal."

The voice of tradition, I trust, will inform posterity of our struggles for freedom. 
If our descendants be worthy the name of Americans they will preserve and hand down to 
their latest posterity the transactions of the present times; and tho I confess my 
exclamations are not worthy the hearing, they will see that I have done my utmost to 
preserve their liberty, for I never will give up the power of direct taxation but for 
a scourge. I am willing to give it conditionally - that is, after non-compliance with 
requisitions. I will do more, sir, and what I hope will convince the most skeptical 
man that I am a lover of the American Union; that, in case Virginia shall not make 
punctual payment, the control of our customhouses and the whole regulation of trade 
shall be given to Congress, and that Virginia shall depend on Congress even for 
passports, till Virginia shall have paid the last farthing and furnished the last 
soldier.

Nay, sir, there is another alternative to which I would consent; even that they should 
strike us out of the Union and take away from us all federal privileges till we comply 
with federal requisitions; but let it depend upon our own pleasure to pay our money in 
the most easy manner for our people. Were all the States, more terrible than the 
mother country, to join against us, I hope Virginia could defend herself; but, sir, 
the dissolution of the Union is most abhorrent to my mind. The first thing I have at 
heart is American liberty; the second thing is American union; and I hope the people 
of Virginia will endeavor to preserve that union. The increasing population of the 
Southern States is far greater than that of New England; consequently, in a short 
time, they will be far more numerous than the people of that country. Consider this 
and you will find this State more particularly interested to support American liberty 
and not bind our posterity by an improvident relinquishment
  of o
ur rights. I would give the best security for a punctual compliance with requisitions; 
but I beseech gentlemen, at all hazards, not to give up this unlimited power of 
taxation. The honorable gentleman has told us that these powers given to Congress are 
accompanied by a judiciary which will correct all. On examination you will find this 
very judiciary oppressively constructed, your jury trial destroyed, and the judges 
dependent on Congress.

This Constitution is said to have beautiful features; but when I come to examine these 
features, sir, they appear to me horribly frightful. Among other deformities, it has 
an awful squinting; it squints toward monarchy, and does not this raise indignation in 
the breast of every true American? Your president may easily become king. Your Senate 
is so imperfectly constructed that your dearest rights may be sacrificed to what may 
be a small minority; and a very small minority may continue for ever unchangeably this 
government, altho horridly defective. Where are your checks in this government? Your 
strongholds will be in the hands of your enemies. It is on a supposition that your 
American governors shall be honest that all the good qualities of this government are 
founded; but its defective and imperfect construction puts it in their power to 
perpetrate the worst of mischiefs should they be bad men; and, sir, would not all the 
world, blame our distracted folly in resting our righ
 ts up
on the contingency of our rulers being good or bad? Show me that age and country where 
the rights and liberties of the people were placed on the sole chance of their rulers 
being good men without a consequent loss of liberty! I say that the loss of that 
dearest privilege has ever followed, with absolute certainty, every such mad attempt.

If your American chief be a man of ambition and abilities, how easy is it for him to 
render himself absolute! The army is in his hands, and if he be a man of address, it 
will be attached to him, and it will be the subject of long meditation with him to 
seize the first auspicious moment to accomplish his design, and, sir, will the 
American spirit solely relieve you when this happens? I would rather infinitely - and 
I am sure most of this Convention are of the same opinion - have a king, lords, and 
commons, than a government so replete with such insupportable evils. If we make a king 
we may prescribe the rules by which he shall rule his people, and interpose such 
checks as shall prevent him from infringing them; but the president, in the field, at 
the head of his army, can prescribe the terms on which he shall reign master, so far 
that it will puzzle any American ever to get his neck from under the galling yoke. I 
can not with patience think of this idea. If ever he violate the
  laws
, one of two things will happen: he will come at the head of the army to carry 
everything before him, or he will give bail, or do what Mr. Chief Justice will order 
him. If he be guilty, will not the recollection of his crimes teach him to make one 
bold push for the American throne? Will not the immense difference between being 
master of everything and being ignominiously tried and punished powerfully excite him 
to make this bold push? But, sir, where is the existing force to punish him? Can he 
not, at the head of his army, beat down every opposition? Away with your president! we 
shall have a king: the army will salute him monarch; your militia will leave you, and 
assist in making him king, and fight against you: and what have you to oppose this 
force? What will then become of you and your rights? Will not absolute despotism ensue?
---------------------
-iNFoWaRZ
America, your servant government has rebelled against the people and is acting like 
the peoples master.  Since when does the peasant rule the king?
Wake up.  Time to put down the arrogant, misbehaving, rebellious servant, back under 
the chains of the Constitution from which he escaped.

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