-Caveat Lector-

http://www.arabnews.com/Article.asp?ID=24614
Arab News
SAUDI ARABIA'S FIRST ENGLISH LANGUAGE DAILY

The War Has Released the Genie of Disaster
George Monbiot, The Guardian
Published on Wednesday, April 02, 2003

LONDON, 2 April 2003 — So far, the liberators have succeeded only in
freeing the souls of the
Iraqis from their bodies. Saddam Hussein’s troops have proved less inclined
to surrender than they had anticipated, and the civilians less prepared to
revolt. But while no one can now ignore the immediate problems this
illegal war has met, we are beginning, too, to understand what should have
been obvious all along: that, however this conflict is resolved, the
outcome will be a disaster.

It seems to me that there are three possible results of the war with Iraq.
The first, which is now beginning to look unlikely, is that Saddam Hussein is
swiftly dispatched, his generals and ministers abandon their posts and the
people who had been cowed by his militias and his secret police rise up
and greet the invaders with their long-awaited blessing of flowers and rice.
The troops are welcomed into Baghdad, and start preparing for what the
US administration claims will be a transfer of power to a democratic
government. For a few weeks, this will look like victory. Then several things
are likely to happen. The first is that, elated by its reception in Baghdad,
the American government decides, as Donald Rumsfeld hinted again last
week, to visit its perpetual war upon another nation: Syria, Iran, Yemen,
Somalia, North Korea or anywhere else whose conquest may be calculated
to enhance the stature of the president and the scope of his empire. It is
almost as if Bush and his advisers are determined to meet the nemesis
which their hubris invites.

Our next discovery is likely to be, as John Gray pointed out some months
ago, that the choice of regimes in the Middle East is not a choice between
secular dictatorship and secular democracy, but between secular
dictatorship and Islamic democracy.

What the people of the Middle East want and what the US government says
they want appear to be rather different things, and the tension between
the two objectives will be a source of instability and conflict until Western
governments permit those people to make their own choices unmolested.

That is unlikely to happen until the oil runs out. The Iraqis may celebrate
their independence by embracing a long-suppressed religious fanaticism,
and the United States may respond by seeking to crush it.

The United States might also soon discover why Saddam Hussein became
such an abhorrent dictator. Iraq is a colonial artifact, forced together by
the British from three Ottoman provinces, whose people have wildly
different religious and ethnic loyalties. It is arguable that this absurd
construction can be sustained only by brute force. A US-backed
administration seeking to keep this nation of warring factions intact may
rapidly encounter Saddam’s problem, and, in so doing, rediscover his
solution.

Perhaps we should not be surprised to see that the Bush administration
was, until recently, planning merely to replace the two most senior
officials in each of Saddam’s ministries, leaving the rest of his government
in place.

The alternative would be to permit Iraq to fall apart. While fragmentation
may, in the long run, be the only feasible future for its people, it is
impossible, in the short term, to see how this could happen without
bloodshed, as every faction seeks to carve out its domain. Whether the US
tries to oversee this partition or flees from it as the British did from India,
its victory in these circumstances is likely to sour very quickly.

The second possible outcome of this war is that the US kills Saddam and
destroys the bulk of his army, but has to govern Iraq as a hostile occupying
force. Saddam Hussein, whose psychological warfare appears to be rather
more advanced than that of the Americans, may have ensured that this is
now the most likely result.

The invaders cannot win without taking Baghdad, and Saddam is seeking to
ensure that they cannot take Baghdad without killing thousands of
civilians. His soldiers will shelter in homes, schools and hospitals. In trying
to destroy them, the American and British troops may blow away the last
possibility of winning the hearts and minds of the residents. Saddam’s
deployment of suicide bombers has already obliged the invaders to deal
brutally with innocent civilians.

The comparisons with Palestine will not be lost on the Iraqis, or on anyone
in the Middle East. The United States, like Israel, will discover that
occupation is bloody and, ultimately, unsustainable. Its troops will be
harassed by snipers and suicide bombers, and its response to them will
alienate even the people who were grateful for the overthrow of Saddam.
We can expect the US, in these circumstances, hurriedly to proclaim
victory, install a feeble and doomed Iraqi government, and pull out before
the whole place crashes down around it. What happens after that, to Iraq
and the rest of the Middle East, is anyone’s guess, but I think we can
anticipate that it won’t be pleasant.

The third possibility is that the invaders fail swiftly to kill or capture
Saddam Hussein or to win a decisive victory in Iraq. While still unlikely, this
is now an outcome which cannot be entirely dismissed. Saddam may be too
smart to wait in his bunker for a bomb big enough to reach him, but might,
like King Alfred, slip into the civilian population, occasionally throwing off
his disguise and appearing among his troops, to keep the flame of
liberation burning.

If this happens, then the US will have transformed him from the hated
oppressor into the romantic, almost mythological hero of Arab and Muslim
resistance, the Salahuddin Ayyubi of his dreams. He will be seen as the
man who could do to the United States what the Mujahedeen of
Afghanistan did to the Soviet Union: drawing it so far into an unwinnable
war that its economy and its popular support collapse. The longer he
survives, the more the population — not just of Iraq, but of all Muslim
countries — will turn toward him, and the less likely a Western victory
becomes.

The US will almost certainly then have engineered the improbable chimera
it claims to be chasing: the marriage of Saddam’s well-armed secular
brutality and Al-Qaeda’s global insurrection. Even if, having held out for
many weeks or months, Saddam Hussein is found and killed, his spirit may
continue to inspire a revolt throughout the Muslim world, against the
Americans, the British and, of course, Israel. Pakistan’s unpopular leader,
Pervez Musharraf, would then find himself in serious trouble. If, as seems
likely in these circumstances, he is overthrown in an Islamic revolt, then a
regime deeply hostile to the West would possess real nuclear weapons,
primed and ready to fire.





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