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-Caveat Lector-
Descendants of Humble Oil Founders, King Ranch cronies and East Texas lumber barons.  So what does that tell us about Charlie Wilson's war and Dubya's war?
 
Linda Minor
 
 
Bush hits quail but eats beef
 
San Antonio Express-News
 
Web Posted : 01/02/2004 12:00 AM
 
CRAWFORD � After a morning quail hunt Thursday in Falfurrias, President Bush told reporters at the Brooks County Airport that his New Year's resolution is to stay physically fit.

To do it, he said, "may require eating less desserts."

He hunted at El Tule ranch with his father and Nancy Brown Negley, the ranch owner, who's the daughter of the founder of Brown and Root, now a subsidiary of Halliburton Co.

"It was good fun," Bush said. "(We) walked a lot of territory, watched the dogs work and knocked down some birds."

He estimated that he killed five quail, adding: "I am not that good a shot, but it was a lot of fun."

Reporters questioned him on an array of topics, ranging from the Middle East to mad cow disease.

The president said he previously asked Secretary of Agriculture Ann Veneman to take the proper steps to make sure the food supply is safe and was confident that was being done.

"As a matter of fact, I ate beef today and will continue to eat beef," he said.

The meal was shared with former Secretary of State James Baker. They discussed the U.S. effort to reduce and restructure Iraq's foreign debt, a feat that Baker is tackling. The president arrived in Falfurrias early Thursday in a small plane.

http://216.239.39.104/search?q=cache:Rw8zyCE1HLkJ:customwire.ap.org/dynamic/fronts/POLITICS%3FSITE%3DAZTUS%26SECTION%3DHOME+Falfurrias+El+Tule+&hl=en&ie=UTF-8

President Bush speaks to reporters before boarding Air Force One at Brooks County Airport in Falfurrias, Texas, Thursday, Jan 1, 2004. Bush spent his New Year's Day hunting for quail with his father, former President George H.W. Bush at a private ranch named El Tule in Falfurrias. (AP Photo/Susan Walsh)

http://customwire.ap.org/dynamic/stories/B/BUSH_HUNTING?SITE=AZTUS&SECTION=HOME&TEMPLATE=DEFAULT

Bush spoke at Brooks County Airport after a day of hunting at a dusty, scrubby ranch owned by Nancy Brown Negley. She is a Bush family friend who is related to the founders of Brown & Root, a Texas engineering and construction company that many years ago became part of Halliburton, the company formerly run by Vice President Dick Cheney.

 

Report of Current Research
July 1, 2001 to June 30, 2002
Caesar Kleberg Wildlife Research Institute
College of Agriculture and Human Sciences
Texas A&M University-Kingsville
Kingsville, Texas
A Member of the Texas A&M University System
Dr. Fred C. Bryant
Holder, Leroy G. Denman, Jr. Endowed Directorship
 
CKWRI ADVISORY BOARD
T. Dan Friedkin
David Garza Lag�era
George C. �Tim� Hixon
Karen Hunke
A. C. Jones IV
David Winfield Killam
Stephen J. �Tio� Kleberg
Kenneth E. Leonard
Jack L. Martin
James A. McAllen
Diane Scovell
Stuart W. Stedman
Arthur �Buddy� Temple, III*
*Chairman
Ben F. Vaughan, III
William D. Welder, Jr.
*Chairman
Dr. Kermeta J. �Kay� Clayton
Interim President
Dr. Robert J. Diersing
Interim Senior Vice President
and Provost
Mr. Steven Crandall
Vice President for Finance
and Administration
Dr. Ron Rosati
Dean, College of Agriculture
and Human Sciences
 
[See page 4 at pdf url above.]
Sustaining Donors
[excerpts]
Mr. and Mrs. Perry R. Bass
Sarah Campbell Blaffer Foundation
John R. Richardson and the Fluor Foundation
In Memory of Alice Gertrudis King
Kleberg Reynolds
The Fondren Foundation
Hoblitzelle Foundation
Houston Endowment Inc.
Ellen and Buddy Temple
T. L. L. Temple Foundation
Neva and Wesley West Foundation
 
... The Nature Conservancy of Texas William S. Naylor Walter Negley Allison A. Nelson
Richard ... lease of the Encino Division of the King Ranch in Brooks County, Texas ...
see map of activities on p. 2; it says a lot.
 
Remember that Charlie Wilson who single-handedly funded the war in Afghanistan was financed by Arthur Temple. 
CHARLIE WILSON HIMSELF!
Charlie Wilson accompanied author George Criles to The History Center at Diboll to autograph copies of the recently published Charlie Wilson's War. Buddy and Ellen Temple hosted the event.
There was an overflow crowd, but the fire marshal didn't show up. People waited outside to get into the crowded Center, and still more folks were having refreshments under a tent at the rear of the Center.
Crowds didn't line up neatly; they jostled each other trying to get close to the signing table. They ran out of books to autograph. And there was Arthur Temple beaming his pleasure and pride in Charlie.
 

When the 93rd Congress opened in January the atmosphere had changed and the stage seemed ready for a concluding act: Wayne Aspinall had lost a Colorado primary and the House Interior Committee was suddenly shifted in a more conservationist direction; the several proponents and opponents, almost all of them, bad wearied of the steady buffeting of conflicting interests and the gentle serum of compromise had imbued them all; and Charlie Wilson had replaced John Dowdy as the 2nd District's Representative in Washington.

Without exception, the conservationists cheerfully welcomed Wilson as a considerable improvement over Dowdy but, as they saw it, a disquieting cloud hovered over him. For two decades Wilson had been an employee of Temple Industries, one of the largest of the timber companies, and it had been with the active support and encouragement of the Temple family that he entered his first political race. His offices still boast a score of photographs, interspersed with pictures of the ships he served on, of sawmills and lumberyards, and he long ago earned the nickname "Timber Charlie." To his credit, it is a relationship Wilson has never ducked, and he speaks of Arthur Temple, Jr., the company president, as "one of the two or three people in my life I have felt the closest to for the longest time, not just politically but personally, too, in every way possible."

The Temple-Wilson connection is not as worrisome to park advocates as it might seem at a glance. Temple Industries, of all the major timber companies with large East Texas holdings, is the only one that is locally owned. Together with the other companies, Temple declared a voluntary moratorium on cutting in the general area of the proposed park, but their proscription was far more generous and extensive, not to mention adhered to, than any other company's. Moreover, Temple has foresworn practices that the rest of the industry has found economical and environmentalists have termed detestable: the wholesale clear-cutting of large timber stands and the razing of cut-over lands, the airborne use of herbicides and defoliants to erase underbrush. Temple has also shown a willingness to encourage slow-growing, often fragile stands of bottomland hardwoods, like cedars and oaks, that other companies have ignored in favor of quick-and-easy pine plantations.

As Eckhardt conceded, Temple has had "a generally salubrious effect on conservation in the area; they have been the most reasonable to work with of any of the industry people." There is another, more pragmatic reason for Temple's conciliatory view of the park: their holdings lie further to the north than any other major company's, and they would be least affected by the park's creation. The company that would lose land to a federal park is the same one that environmentalists see as the most villainously obstinate: Mike Buckley's Eastex, Inc.

WHEN FRED BONAVITA BROKE THE story on Eastex's proposed donation, according to an insider at the National Park Service, "it blew the whole deal right out of the water." Corporate generosity seems somehow less charitable when it goes down in Washington's back rooms, and advance publicity about the deal scared the Park Service out of negotiations. Conservationists, who had been caught off guard, reacted with retroactive indignation; said an Eckhardt staffer: "Those sonsabitches, they nearly pulled a fast one there."

It had been but the latest in a long barrage of fast and slow ones, all aimed at the same general target: halting, or at least forestalling, the creation of the park. From the first, Eastex has been the most forceful opponent of the plan, lobbying against it at every turn. Ollie Crawford, the president of Southwestern Timber Company, a division of Eastex, has led the steadily retreating crusade against the park. Handsome and tanned in double-knit suit, with a Jimmy Stewart kind of masculine charisma, Crawford is an impressive spokesman for any cause. The walls of Southwestern's Neches River lodge are covered with pictures of him hunting, fishing, and flying in the company of congressmen, presidents and astronauts, photographs from his reign as the Jaycee's "Mr. East Texas" and plaques commemorating an astonishing variety of Chamber of Commerce-style honors.

Crawford is the timber lobby's circuit rider, scurrying from point to point to preach against the park, marshalling the diverse forces of the industry into a united front of stubborness. (Even the Louisiana Forestry Association, for some reason, has seen fit to rail against the notion of a Big Thicket Park.) When the Texas House debated a resolution memoralizing Congress to create a Big Thicket Park, Ollie Crawford whisked into Austin to head up the opposition.

The Texas Legislature, of course, has no constituted authority in the creation of federal parks; a memoralizing resolution is roughly equivalent to writing to your congressman, with the exception that most Texas congressmen are sufficiently familiar with the nature of the Texas Legislature to pay less heed to it than to their average constituent. As Baytown State Rep. Joe Allen, the author of the resolution, phrases it, "When you get right down to it, the resolution doesn't mean spit, but they [the timber industry] treated it like we were going to war or something. I've never seen that kind of lobbying over just a resolution." It passed overwhelmingly, with Lufkin State Rep. "Buddy" Temple III, Arthur's son, voting aye.

Another manifestation of Eastex's attitude toward the proposed park has been, the parent company's (Time, Inc.'s), resolute indifference to magazine stories dealing with the Big Thicket. Sports Illustrated and Time, according to staff writers for the magazine, have both either mangled or killed outright stories that have dealt with the area and, inevitably, Eastex's involvement. One of the most fiercely fought battles at the old Life magazine revolved around a story on the ivory bill woodpecker and the adamant insistance of several editors that Time/Eastex-Big Thicket relationships be at least mentioned. The outcome was a barely discernible footnote and an apologetic phone call from Hedley Donovan, formerly Life senior editor and now Time, Inc., editor-in-chief, to Mike Buckley.

Eastex's heavily political role in the Thicket controversy has, unavoidably, made them some enemies. Barefoot Sanders, the 1972 Democratic nominee for the U.S. Senate, and Alan Steelman, a Republican congressional candidate in Dallas, both took strong campaign stands on the side of a large park and both were denied permission to tour Eastex holdings in the Thicket. Another politician they have opposed in the past, though not so frantically, has been Charlie Wilson, who says "I don't owe them [Eastex] anything; they've never done anything for me except hit me over the head when they felt like it."

 
Tuesday, May 15, 2001
Texas RRC District 4
  
  BROOKS COUNTY
  
  MAGUIRE OIL COMPANY of Dallas, TX has reported a PLUG BACK GAS WELL RECOMPLETION in the Ann Mag [10,200] Field, 10 miles SE of Falfurrias. The DAN SULLIVAN Well No. 8, located in the "El Tule" Antonio Garcia Grant, A-220 on a 320 acre unit, Tested 1065 MCF/D, GOR-47,313 on 12/64 choke at 2415# from perfs 10,194-198', 10,204-212' and 10,258-290' after frac treatment. SIWP-3815#. Absolute open flow-1853 MCF/D.
BROOKS COUNTY
  
  MAGUIRE OIL COMPANY of Dallas, TX has filed for a permit to DRILL a 14,000' deep E. Ann Mag [Lower Vicksburg Blainey] Field well 8.3 miles SE of Falfurrias. The SULLIVAN DEEP "A" Well No. 4 is located in the "El Tule" Antonio Garcia Grant, A-220. 
  


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