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WSWS : News & Analysis : Europe : The Balkan Crisis

Amidst the media propaganda
Key facts in press accounts refute official rationale for Balkan war
By Martin McLaughlin
22 April 1999

The two most influential daily newspapers in the United States, the New York
Times and the Washington Post, each published lengthy articles last Sunday
giving an inside account of how the Clinton administration reached its
decision to shift policy in the Balkans and move toward a military
confrontation with Yugoslavia.

These two accounts, though clearly written with the cooperation of
high-level American policymakers, nonetheless give a picture of the turn
towards war in the Balkans which undermines the official rationale for the
bombing of Yugoslavia. The behind-the-scenes reports demonstrate that it was
a shift in American policy, not a decision by Yugoslav President Slobodan
Milosevic and his Serb nationalist regime, which triggered the present
crisis, resulting in the biggest humanitarian disaster in Europe since the
end of the Second World War.

Throughout 1998 the policy of the Clinton administration was to employ
military threats, economic inducements and political pressure as the basis
for an agreement on Kosovo with Milosevic. After an offensive in the spring
by the Kosovar Albanian guerrilla group, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA),
and a counteroffensive during the summer by Yugoslav Army troops, US
representative Richard Holbrooke brokered a cease-fire in October.

The cease-fire, like similar ones during the Bosnia civil war of 1992-95,
did not represent a lasting end to the fighting. It was merely a reduction
in the level of violence during the winter months, while both sides rearmed
and regrouped, preparing to renew the warfare in the spring. Nonetheless,
the agreement was supported by the six members of the "Contact Group"--the
US, Russia, Germany, France, Britain and Italy--which have met regularly
over the crisis in the former Yugoslavia.

As late as January 15, according to the Post account, "Secretary of State
Madeleine K. Albright was pressing--and losing, for the moment--a campaign
to scale up US and NATO intervention in Kosovo." Four days later a meeting
of top Clinton administration officials in the White House Situation Room
approved a radical new plan for Kosovo, proposed by Albright. According to
the Times: "It again threatened bombing if Mr. Milosevic did not go along
with the West. But, for the first time, it demanded that he accept NATO
troops in his own country to enforce a deal under which he would withdraw
almost all his security forces and grant Kosovo broad autonomy."

(There is more that could be said about these accounts. The fact that the
turn towards war emerged in the midst of the impeachment drive against the
Clinton White House is an indication of the enormous instability and
recklessness of American policy. Clinton did not even attend the key January
19 meeting where US policy was reversed, since he was meeting with his
lawyers on the impeachment trial and rehearsing his State of the Union
speech.)


Massacre at Racak

What intervened to effect the dramatic change in US policy was the January
15 massacre of 45 ethnic Albanian peasants outside the small Kosovo village
of Racak. The Post says, "Racak transformed the West's Balkan policy as
singular events seldom do. The atrocity ... convinced the administration and
then its NATO allies that a six-year effort to bottle up the ethnic conflict
in Kosovo was doomed. In the next two weeks, they set aside the emphasis on
containment that had grown over the years."

What actually happened in Racak is far from clear. The first US official on
the scene, William Walker, head of the group of unarmed monitors dispatched
to Kosovo by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe,
immediately branded the deaths a Serb atrocity. But eyewitness accounts were
conflicting, and no Serb military or police unit could be identified.

The official Serbian government version is that the KLA either carried out
the killings itself, to provide a pretext for US and NATO intervention, or
took casualties of a firefight between KLA and Yugoslav forces, dressed them
in civilian clothes, rearranged the bodies and fired single shots into the
heads of each victim in order to simulate a mass execution.

There are several aspects of the Racak incident which make it impossible to
simply dismiss the Serbian government account as propaganda. Initial
reports, cited by Clinton in his speeches defending the bombing campaign,
describe the victims as having been sprayed with bullets from Serb machine
guns. Later accounts, including those in the Post and Times last Sunday,
speak of civilians killed execution-style, each one dying from a bullet in
the back of the head.

There are political grounds for believing that the KLA could have played a
role, as the Serbian side charges. It is well known that the KLA based its
strategy on providing a suitable pretext for US and NATO intervention in
Kosovo against the Yugoslav army and Serb paramilitary forces.

The Times notes that the KLA had launched a new offensive under cover of the
cease-fire negotiated in October by the Clinton administration:

"The Kosovo Albanian rebels were pushing ahead with their own war aims.
Sensing that the deal essentially placed the world's most powerful military
alliance on their side--despite NATO's continued assurances that it did not
want to become the 'KLA's airforce'--the rebels quickly reclaimed territory
abandoned by the Serbian forces and mounted a continuous series of
small-scale attacks. American intelligence officials warned Congress that
the rebels were buying weapons, improving their training and were become
[sic] a more formidable force."

At the same time, according to the Post account, "US intelligence reported
almost immediately that the KLA intended to draw NATO into its fight for
independence by provoking Serb forces into further atrocities. Warnings to
the rebel leaders from Washington restrained them somewhat, but they
assassinated a small-town Serb mayor near Pristina and were believed
responsible for the slaying of six Serb youths at the Panda Cafe in Pec on
Dec. 14."

Concern over the KLA's provocative activities was a major dividing point
between the United States and its European NATO allies in the months before
the bombing began. The Post cites one unnamed US official saying, "One of
our difficulties, particularly with the Europeans ... was getting them to
accept the proposition that the root of the problem is Belgrade."

As late as January 21, 1999, when Clinton telephoned British Prime Minister
Tony Blair to argue for the new US policy of demanding a NATO troop presence
in Kosovo, according to the Post, "Clinton knew that his NATO allies
believed the Albanian guerrillas of the KLA were driving the violence as
much as Belgrade."

Secretary of State Albright saw Racak as the opportunity to overcome
European resistance to NATO intervention in Kosovo, the Post reports,
provided that the administration moved quickly: "According to confidants,
she realized that the galvanizing force of the atrocity would not last long.
'Whatever threat of force you don't get in the next two weeks you're never
getting,' one adviser told her, 'at least until the next Racak.'"

There is a clear recent precedent for the use of an atrocity story as the
basis for brushing aside obstacles to outside intervention in the former
Yugoslavia. In January 1995 a mortar shell landed in a crowded market in the
Muslim-controlled portion of Sarajevo, the Bosnian capital city. Dozens were
killed, many of them women and children, and the gruesome images were shown
on television screens worldwide.

The market square tragedy became the basis for a sharp reversal in US and
NATO policy in Bosnia, leading to an ultimatum to the Bosnian Serbs, backed
by the threat of bombing, and set in motion the intervention which produced
the Dayton Accords and the occupation of Bosnia by a mixed US and European
force.

While the market square attack was immediately blamed on the Bosnian Serbs,
a later investigation by the United Nations failed to substantiate these
claims, and concluded, from an analysis of the trajectory of the mortar
shells, that they had most likely been fired from Muslim artillery positions
overlooking the city. If this is the case, those responsible for the attack
clearly intended the resulting bloodshed to trigger American and NATO
intervention, and they succeeded.


Who is William Walker?

The final and most dubious factor in the Racak incident is the role of
William Walker, the US government official who arrived on the scene of the
massacre within hours and spearheaded the resulting propaganda offensive
against the Serbs. Walker has a long and bloody record as a US operative
specializing in support for guerrilla wars against governments targeted by
the State Department and Pentagon for destabilization.

In the 1980s Walker was a deputy to one of the key figures in the secret US
network to arm the Nicaraguan Contras, Assistant Secretary of State Elliott
Abrams. Much of the US material and military assistance to the Contras was
managed by the so-called Restricted Interagency Group, or RIG, which
consisted of mid-level officials from the State Department, Pentagon, CIA
and National Security Council. Abrams represented the State Department, with
Walker assisting him, while Lt. Col. Oliver North represented the NSC and
served as the group's chief.

Under terms of the Boland Amendment, adopted in 1984 by the US Congress, the
Reagan administration was barred from delivering anything but "humanitarian
aid" to the Contras. At the direction of North and Abrams, Walker took
charge of an operation based at Ilopango Air Base in El Salvador to
transport these supplies to the Contras. Weapons and ammunition were
included along with food, clothing and medicine, in flagrant violation of
the legal ban.

Walker was initially a target of Iran-Contra Independent Counsel Lawrence
Walsh, but Walsh's prosecutors eventually decided not to prosecute the
subordinate, instead focusing on his boss Elliott Abrams, who pled guilty to
charges of lying to Congress about the illegal secret arms shipments, and
was pardoned by President George Bush.

The veteran of the US "dirty war" in Central America has now emerged as a
point man for American operations in the Balkans. The question is raised:
did Walker, as he did in Central America, use his "humanitarian" work in
Kosovo as a cover for arms-smuggling to the KLA and other illegal secret
operations? And did his covert work include his role as the chief publicist
of the Racak massacre, the casus belli for the US turn towards war against
Yugoslavia?

See Also:

One month of the Balkan War: a balance sheet
[21 April 1999]

Radio interview with WSWS Editorial Board Chairman David North
The historical, political and economic background to the war in the Balkans
[21 April 1999]


WSWS : News & Analysis : Europe : The Balkan Crisis

""In this respect, Blair could be compared with the cowardly, ineffectual
child who allies himself with the playground bully. ""

British cabinet minister accuses Labour MPs opposed to NATO bombing of
"appeasing" fascism
By Julie Hyland

22 April 1999
Clare Short, International Development Secretary in the Labour government,
has denounced MPs from her own party as "equivalent to the people who
appeased Hitler".

Her outburst was directed against 13 Labour MPs critical of the NATO
bombardment of Serbia who had tried to force a vote in the House of Commons
debate on Kosovo on Monday evening. The dissident Labour MPs were seeking to
register their opposition to the war, but the attempt, led by Tony Benn and
Tam Dalyell, fell far short of the 40 members needed to bring on a vote.

Short said that she was "ashamed" that such people were members of the
Labour Party. She likened them to pro-Nazi sympathisers in the Second World
War. "There were people then who thought Hitler was a good thing, there were
people who opposed action being taken against Hitler," she said.

Her remarks are not the first time the Labour government has sought to cloak
NATO aggression with the garb of "anti-fascism". Such imagery has been
essential in attempting to maintain shaky public support behind the war
drive. In an interview with Newsweek magazine a fortnight ago, Prime
Minister Tony Blair claimed that his government's policy was motivated by
the lessons of the Nazi holocaust. His generation had learnt the cost of
attempting to "appease dictators", he claimed.

Both Blair and Short's comments are based on flagrant historical
falsification. It was not the British establishment's attempts to "appease"
Hitler that enabled the Nazi dictatorship to carry out genocide, but their
active support for Hitler before the war.

During a previous Commons debate on the Balkans, Benn read from documents
taken from the captured German Foreign Office at the end of the Second World
War. One recorded an exchange between Hitler and Lord Halifax, the British
Foreign Secretary, prior to the outbreak of war. Halifax told the dictator:
"Herr Chancellor, on behalf of the British Government, I congratulate you on
crushing communism in Germany and standing as a bulwark against Russia".

The British ruling class welcomed the victory of fascism in Germany as a
pre-emptive strike against a socialist movement of the European working
class. Moreover, they saw it as a means for overthrowing the Soviet Union.
Only when the Nazi dictatorship's expansion began to threaten the British
Empire did the ruling class decide, reluctantly, to move against it. Even
so, despite their knowledge of the "Final Solution", Jewish refugees
attempting to flee Germany and Eastern Europe were barred from entry to
Britain.

No military or economic grounds exist for Blair's comparison between 1930s
Germany (a country seeking to violently establish its own world Reich, or
empire) with present day Serbia, a small and impoverished land.

The only country whose national sovereignty is being violated in today's war
is Serbia. When Milosevic refused to agree to a virtual take-over of the
country by US-led NATO troops, the current bombardment began.

Previously, when Milosevic's clampdown on internal dissent was aimed at
facilitating the imposition of IMF economic diktats against a hostile
population, the democratic rights of the Balkan peoples counted for nothing
within the British establishment. In the Dayton Accord for Bosnia, the
Western governments dropped any action against the "war criminal" Milosevic,
in return for his aid in enabling them to carve out spheres of imperialist
influence within the country based on its partition along ethnic lines.

The Blair government's concern for "humanitarian principles" is based solely
on the cold calculation of its foreign policy interests. The British ruling
class fears that the expansion of the European Union--under German
hegemony--and the launch of the euro will lead to its isolation on the
continent. Britain's enthusiastic participation in the action against
Serbia, under US leadership, is an attempt to use its not insignificant
military advantages to make up for its economic and political weakness.

In this respect, Blair could be compared with the cowardly, ineffectual
child who allies himself with the playground bully. The price of Blair's
"reflected glory" is being paid by the defenceless civilians sheltering in
Yugoslavia's devastated cities, or the refugee convoys trying to escape to
safety, or the tens of thousands forcibly detained on the border to
Montenegro in conditions of utter degradation.

For weeks, the British government claimed that its actions were motivated by
concern for the Kosovar Albanians. On Tuesday, it revealed the extent of its
magnanimity--announcing it would grant immediate asylum to just 126 Kosovar
women and children.

Short's outburst must serve as a warning to all critically minded people.
Only last week, senior Labour officials were involved in a "whispering"
campaign against BBC World Affairs editor John Simpson. Complaining that his
news reports from Serbia were too "critical" of the NATO action, they let it
be known that they considered him to be Milosevic's "stooge". Following
NATO's attack on the refugee convey--which caught it in a web of lies and
disinformation--Blair's senior press adviser, Alistair Campbell, was
seconded to NATO to prevent any further "public relations disasters".

Such blatant attempts to censor the press are now being followed by
denouncing the parliamentary opponents of the war as virtual supporters of
fascism.

Despite government claims to the contrary, there is mounting evidence that
NATO is preparing the invasion of Serbia using ground troops. One unnamed
military official was quoted recently saying its objective would be "to
strangle Serbia". Short's remarks are part of preparing public opinion for
this eventuality by poisoning the political atmosphere to prevent the
possibility of free and critical discussion.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------
----

Copyright 1998-99
World Socialist Web Site
All rights reserved

~~~~~~~~~~~~

>From  http://www.schrepf.com/TSG/Personen/EdwardVIII-e.html

Edward VIII,
King of England
by Lynn Bradick

Biography

Edward VIII, also known as the Duke of Windsor was born on 23rd June 1894 at
White Lodge in Surrey, England. Son of George V and Queen Mary, he was named
Edward Albert Christian George Andrew Patrick David Windsor but was known to
his family as "David" and later became publicly known as the Duke of
Windsor. He succeeded to the throne following the death of his father in
1936.

Alleged allegations during his short reign, that he was having an affair
with Wallis Simpson, the American wife of a London shipping broker, emerged
and he was advised by both the Government and the Head of the Church of
England to reveal all. Subsequently, in December of that year he abdicated
and his brother, the Duke of York then became George VI.

Edward & Mrs. Simpson fled the country and following their marriage in 1937
at Chateau de Cande, Monts, France, they resided both in France and the USA.
He was created Duke of Windsor during WWII and governed the Bahamas from
1940 until 1945.

In 1937 he visited Germany where he met Hitler. Speculation that he was was
a liaison to Hitler's Germany was rife. However, there was no proof of this,
albeit it was known that he sympathized with the Nazis.

Until 1952 he lived with his wife Wallis Simpson in excile but returned to
England on the death of his brother George VI. For the first time since his
abdication he took part in a Royal ceremony.

At the age of 78 he died in Paris but his body was brought back to England
and now lies in a cemetery at Windsor, in Berkshire.

<<I was hoping to find more -- I had seen a biography on A&E, revealing Ed
the 8th's partiality to the German Fascists.  Churchill sent him off to the
Bahamas to get him out of Europe, therefore.  There was quite a bit of
acquience/ambivalence in Britain regarding the Continental activities until
the Germans got greedier.  Interesting how changes in perspective occur.
Needless to say, there was sympathy for Herr Hitler at the very TOP of the
British government.  Who knows what would have happened without the Simpson
woman's appearance.

For additional information on Ed the 8th, go to:

http://www.incwell.com/Biographies/EdwardVIII.html .>>

~~~~~~~~~~~~
<<To show how the Americans were being courted.>>

>From http://metalab.unc.edu/pha/policy/1941/411112a.html

MAJESTY, KING GEORGE VI, AT THE OPENING OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS AND THE HOUSE
OF COMMONS

November 12, 1941

[Parliamentary Debates, November 12, 1941.]

MY LORDS AND MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS:

The developments of the past year have strengthened the resolution of My
Peoples and of My Allies to prosecute this war against aggression until
final victory. Meanwhile, My Government, in consultation with the Allied
Governments, and with the goodwill of the Government of the United States of
America, are considering the urgent problems which will face them when the
nations now enduring the tyranny of the oppressor have regained their
freedom.

I well know that My People will continue to respond wholeheartedly to the
great demands made upon them to furnish My Forces with the instruments of
victory, and that they are determined to meet, to the utmost of their power,
the needs of the Soviet Union in its heroic conflict.

The United States are furnishing My Peoples and My Allies with war supplies
of all kinds on a scale unexampled in history.

My relations with Turkey, with whom I have a valued treaty of alliance,
remain firmly based on trust and friendship.

I welcome the restoration to his Throne of His Majesty the Emperor of
Ethiopia. Thus, the first country which fell a victim to aggression has been
the first to be liberated and re-established.

My loyal subjects in Malta continue to face air attack with a fortitude that
commands My deepest admiration.

MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS:

You will be asked to make further financial provision for the conduct of the
war.

MY LORDS AND MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS:

The fulfilment of the task to which we are committed will call for the
unsparing effort of every one of us. I am confident that My People will
answer this call with the courage and devotion which our forefathers never
failed to show when our country was in danger.

My Government will continue to take all practical steps to sustain the
health and well-being of My People under the stress of war.

And I pray that Almighty God may give His blessing to your counsels.



~~~~~~~~~~~~
A<>E<>R

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