<!doctype html public "-//w3c//dtd html 4.0 transitional//en"> <html> <blockquote TYPE=CITE>From: David Goldman <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> <p>I never read anywhere about why George Bush Sr. was in Central America <br>after Hurricane Hugo.......he wasn't representing either the UN or the <br>State Department. Just visiting.......did he check out the "landing strips" <br>to see if they survived the hurricane? Or was it merely a "business trip"? <p>David Goldman</blockquote> Hurricane Hugo, September 10-22, 1989 <p>google.com "George Bush Ilopango" <p>Bush in El Salvador, December, 1983 <p>Bush writes and sends "Presidential" letter to Honduran President Suazo <br>of Honduras, February 1985, quid pro quo <p>Bush meeting with Honduran President Cordova, March 1985, quid pro quo <p>Bush meeting with Honduran President Azcona, January 1986, quid pro quo <p><a href="http://www.tarpley.net/bush18.htm">http://www.tarpley.net/bush18.htm</a> <p>January 20, 1981: <p>Ronald Reagan was inaugurated as U.S. President. <p> March 25, 1981: <p>Vice President George Bush was named the leader of the United States `` crisis management '' staff, `` as a part of the National Security Council system. '' <p> March 30, 1981: <p>The new President was shot in an attempted assassination. He survived his wounds, so Vice President Bush did not succeed to the presidency. <p> May 14, 1982: <p>Bush's position as chief of all covert action and de facto head of U.S. intelligence--in a sense, the acting President--was formalized in a secret memorandum. The memo explained that `` National Security Decision Directive 3, Crisis Management, establishes the Special Situation Group (SSG), chaired by the Vice President. The SSG is charged ... with formulating plans in anticipation of crises. '' It is most astonishing that, in all of the reports, articles and books about the Iran-Contra covert actions, the existence of Bush's SSG has received no significant attention. Yet its importance in the management of those covert actions is obvious and unmistakable, as soon as an investigative light is thrown upon it. The memo in question also announced the birth of another organization, the Standing Crisis Pre-Planning Group (CPPG), which was to work as an intelligence-gathering agency for Bush and his SSG. This new subordinate group, consisting of representatives of Vice President Bush, National Security Council (NSC) staff members, the CIA, the military and the State Department, was to `` meet periodically in the White House Situation Room.... '' They were to identify areas of potential crisis and `` [p]resent ... plans and policy options to the SSG '' under Chairman Bush. And they were to provide to Bush and his assistants, `` as crises develop, alternative plans, '' `` action/options '' and `` coordinated implementation plans '' to resolve the `` crises. '' Finally, the subordinate group was to give to Chairman Bush and his assistants `` recommended security, cover, and media plans that will enhance the likelihood of successful execution. '' It was announced that the CPPG would meet for the first time on May 20, 1982, and that agencies were to `` provide the name of their CPPG representative to Oliver North, <br>NSC staff.... '' The memo was signed `` for the President '' by Reagan's national security adviser, William P. Clark! <p><snip> <p>May 25, 1983: <p>Secretary of State George Shultz wrote a memorandum for President Reagan, trying to stop George Bush from running Central American operations for the U.S. government. Shultz included a draft National Security Decision Directive for the President to sign, and an organizational chart (`` Proposed Structure '') showing Shultz's proposal for the line of authority--from the President and his NSC, through Secretary of State Shultz and his assistant secretary, down to an interagency group. The last line of the Shultz memo says bluntly what role is reserved for the Bush-supervised CPPG: ``The Crisis Pre-Planning Group is relieved of its assignments in this area.'' Back came a <br>memorandum for The Honorable George P. Shultz, on a White House letterhead but bearing no signature... <p><snip> <p>December 1983: <p>Oliver North accompanied Vice President Bush to El Salvador as his assistant. Bush met with Salvadoran army commanders. North helped Bush prepare a speech, in which he publicly called upon them to end their support for the use of `` death squads. '' North later testified that Bush's speech `` was one of the bravest things I've seen for anybody [sic]. '' <p><snip> <p>April 3, 1984: <p>Another subcommittee of the Bush terrorism apparatus was formed, as President Reagan signed National Security Decision Directive 138. The new `` Terrorist Incident Working Group '' reported to Bush's Special Situation Group. The TIWG geared up government agencies to support militant counterterrorism assaults, on the Israeli model. <p><snip> <p>February 7, 1985: <p>The Crisis Pre-Planning Group (CPPG), subordinate to Chairman Bush of the Special Situation Group (SSG), met to discuss means to circumvent the Boland amendment's ban on aid to the Contras. They agreed on a `` Presidential letter '' to be sent to President Suazo of Honduras, ``to provide several enticements to Honduras in exchange for its continued support of the Nicaraguan Resistance. These enticements included expedited delivery of military supplies ordered by Honduras, a phased release of withheld economic assistance (ESF) funds, and other support.'' The <br>preceding was the admission of the United States government in the 1989 Oliver North trial--number 51 in a series of ``stipulations'' that was given to the court to avoid having to release classified documents. [Might have been embarrassing--another unsigned "Presidential letter" from George Bush! -Bob] <p><snip> <p>March 15-16, 1985 (Friday and Saturday): <p>George Bush and Felix Rodriguez were in Central America on their common project. <p>On Friday, Rodriguez supervised delivery in Honduras of military supplies for the FDN Contras whose main base was there in Honduras. <p>[David Goldman--when was that hurricane?] <p>On Saturday, George Bush met with Honduran President Roberto Suazo Cordova. Bush told Suazo that the Reagan-Bush administration was expediting delivery of more than $110 million in economic and military aid to Suazo's government. This was the `` quid pro quo '': a bribe for Suazo's support for the U.S. mercenary force, and a transfer through Honduras of the Contra military supplies, which had been directly prohibited by the Congress. <p>August 18, 1985: <p>Luis Posada Carriles escaped from prison in Venezuela, where he was being held for the terrorist murder of 73 persons. Using forged documents falsely identifying him as a Venezuelan named `` Ramon Medina, '' Posada flew to Central America. Within a few weeks, Felix Rodriguez assigned him to supervise the Bush office's Contra resupply operations being run from the El Salvador air base..... After the midair bombing of a Cubana airliner on October 6, 1976, in which seventy-three people were killed, Posada was charged with planning the attack and was thrown in prison.... Posada was confined in prison for more than nine years.... ' <p>Mid-January, 1986: <p>George Bush and Oliver North worked together on the illegal plan. <p>Later, at North's trial, the Bush administration--portraying Colonel North as the master strategist in the case!--stipulated that North `` prepared talking points for a meeting between Admiral Poindexter, Vice-President Bush, and [the new] Honduran President [Jose Simon] Azcona. North recommended that Admiral Poindexter and Vice-President Bush tell President Azcona of the need for Honduras to work with the U.S. government on increasing regional involvement with and support for the Resistance. Poindexter and Bush were also to raise the subject of better U.S. government support for the states bordering Nicaragua. '' That is, Honduras, which of course `` borders on Nicaragua, '' was to get more U.S. aid and was to pass some of it through to the Contras. In preparation for the January 1986 Bush-Azcona meeting, the U.S. State Department sent to Bush adviser Donald Gregg a memorandum, which `` alerted Gregg that Azcona would insist on receiving clear economic and social benefits from its [Honduras's] cooperation with the United States. ''@s4@s2 Two months after the January Bush-Azcona meeting, President Reagan asked Congress for $20 million in emergency aid to Honduras, needed to repel a cross-border raid <br>by Nicaraguan forces against Contra camps. Congress voted the `` emergency '' expenditure. <p><a href="http://www.bwbadge.com/bush.htm">http://www.bwbadge.com/bush.htm</a> <p>Richard's reference to Tom Harvey is most significant. {EIR'}s investigations have shown that Harvey was operating out of George Bush's office, and was definitely one of the ``people who report to Bush.'' Nestor Pino was likewise deeply involved in the drug-ridden Contra supply operation, which was being run out of Bush's office though Felix Rodriguez, as well as by Oliver North, under the direct supervision of Bush's national security adviser Donald Gregg. <p><snip> <p>[Tom Harvey] a military assistant to the Senate Armed Services Committee, where he worked closely with Senators Strom Thurmond (R-S.C.) and John Warner (R-Va.). <p>Asked about Tom Harvey, Gritz told this reporter that Harvey was actually working out of George Bush's office. <p> ``Harvey was the military adviser to Sen. John Warner, and he was also, of course, in the NSC, working in the Vice President's Office--George Bush at the time,'' Gritz said. <p> ``Harvey was the Ollie North look-alike for George Bush.'' <p>It was apparently while Harvey was at the NSC in 1985-86, that he was instrumental in the creation of a bizarre ``private'' paramilitary unit in Loudoun County, Virginia, called ``ARGUS'' (Armored Response Group U.S.). ARGUS's ostensible purpose was to provide surplus armored military equipment for use in ``anti-terrorist'' and other crisis situations by local law enforcement agencies in the mid-Atlantic region. Among its acquisitions were a C-130 military aircraft, an armored personnel carrier, and an armored forklift. <p>One of the few times that ARGUS equipment was actually deployed, to be on standby, was during the Oct. 6-7, 1986 raid, by federal, state, and local agents, on the offices of organizations associated with Lyndon LaRouche in Leesburg, Virginia. That raid was officially run by the FBI, but it was later learned that planning for the raid included the ``focal point'' office of the J-3 Special Operations Division of the Pentagon's Joint Chiefs of Staff. Two truckloads of seized documents were taken to highly secure U.S. Marine Corps facilities at Henderson Hall in Arlington, Virginia, where they were presumably culled over by intelligence specialists, before being reviewed by state and federal prosecutors. <p>ARGUS was a project of the oligarchal families based in the Loudoun County ``Hunt Country'' (see article, p.|64). Magalen Ohrstrom Bryant and John W. Hanes were both officials and funders of ARGUS; at the same time, Bryant and Hanes were both funding Oliver North's secret Contra operations as well. <p>In 1988, by which time Harvey was posted to Senator Warner's staff, he was able to set up ARGUS's training base at the Army's Cameron Station base in Alexandria, Virginia. ARGUS also housed some of its specialized armored vehicles at Cameron Station. iven that ARGUS was supposedly a completely private operation, this was rather extraordinary--except that ARGUS was obviously {not} ``private;'' it was rather part of the {privatized} military-intelligence operations which flourished under the authority of Executive Order 12333 and Bush's ``secret government'' apparatus. <p>After his retirement from active military service in 1991, Harvey continued to work for these same intelligence-related ``family'' networks. He became the chairman and CEO of the Global Environmental & Technology Foundation. On Global's Board of Directors, naturally, is Maggie Bryant, also listed as chairperson of the National Fish and Wildlife Foundation. It is reported that Harvey was personally selected for this role by Maggie Bryant, who has called him one of her most trusted operatives. Among Global's projects is what is called the ``Defense and Environmental Initiative,'' which, in their words, involves ``integrating environmental considerations into America's national and international security mission.'' <p><a href="http://www.cia.com.au/serendipity/cia/apoc.html">http://www.cia.com.au/serendipity/cia/apoc.html</a><a href="http://www.cia.com.au/serendipity/cia/apoc.html"></a> <p>[Lyndon LaRouche--] <p>George's characteristic is that he had a fascination with muscle. He's a very nasty person, and, on the muscle side of the intelligence community, even though he was briefly stuck onto the CIA by Kissinger as an attachment, he never really was very significant for the CIA properly. He's not a man of intelligence, shall we say; but he's a man of muscle. <p>There's a special part of the National Security apparatus, which is tied under the Joint Chiefs of Staff, though it's run under the National Security Act. It's in the J-3 section, logistics, or Special Warfare, or Special Operations, is where it's buried. The operation was created under Dulles. And, this is where a combination of private and official groups meet and run special operations under cover. It's a location of part of the so-called "secret government" of the United States, which includes private organizations, and is buried generally under the heading of "foreign intelligence." That's where George's connections are. <p>When people generally say "This is CIA," they don't know really what they're talking about. It's this Focal Point under the Joint Chiefs of Staff. And, you know who was in the Joint Chiefs of Staff at the time that George was doing this kind of stuff, eh? It was under those Chiefs of Staff that this occurred. <p>Now, George was given, in 82-83, a series of special appointments which came out of this Reagan signing of an Executive Order, or series of Executive Orders, highlighted by one, Executive Order 12333, which authorized the setting-up of these private armies, under private cover, as mercenaries, but under the direction of the Vice President of the United States, George Bush, and these were under National Security Directives #3 and 2. <p>And, in addition to that, George, of course, was the offshore war on drugs czar, which meant that George could run the international weapons- and drug-trafficking, and could protect the drug-traffickers who were putting drugs into the streets of the United States, flying them across the borders, because {he} controlled the key to the door which let the drug-traffickers fly the stuff in. And, that's how it worked. <p>So, George became involved with the British, largely, using British capabilities and, to some degree, the right-wing Israeli capabilities, who were running these military industries operation, running weapons all over the place. And, as a result of that, George Bush was the man on watch, with Don Gregg as his subordinate and Ollie North as the secretary of the so-called Enterprise working under George. And, the papers show that George was fully witting at all times, that his operations were running drugs into the United States, to finance the Contra and related operations, and, also, to get some money into the hands of a lot of these little piglet groups which were set up under George's direction. <p>George was involved with the British, heavily, in the Middle East arms traffic, the Iraq-Iran war, the Afghanistan operations through Pakistan, the Dirty Bofors and other operations into India, and so forth and so on. And, there were a lot of murders in that. A lot of the murders were done simply to cover up for George, of someone who might be forced to give testimony, who might open up a chain of investigation leading back to George -- suddenly they'd die, be killed. <p>Or you had, for example, Pan Am 103. There was a great danger to George Bush on that plane. The closest associate of Palme, who was killed on behalf of the international weapons-trafficking crowd, of which George was part at the time: this guy was on the plane. And, when that plane went down over Scotland, with a bomb in it, George Bush was saved a lot of trouble. When Uwe Barschel was murdered in a Swiss hotel, George Bush was saved a lot of trouble, and so forth and so on. When certain people, like Bermudez, died in a bomb explosion back in Nicaragua, George Bush was saved a lot of trouble. <p><a href="http://www.imt.net/~mtpatriot/pegasus.htm">http://www.imt.net/~mtpatriot/pegasus.htm</a> <p>Three months after Cooper and Sawyer died, Barry Seal was killed outside a half-way house in Louisiana as predicted by Mr. North during our[including Bush] flight on 30 March, 1985. <p>In March of 1986, I was contacted by Lt. Col. Oliver North and involuntarily recruited into a Special Operations group codenamed Pegasus. I was told that I would be working directly for the President of the United States. I was paid $43,394.40 in April of 1986 and given a medical discharge. I reported to my new assignment in May of 1986. <p>During the next few years, I would be tasked by Mr. Bush with the neutralization of a Mossad agent in 1988, an army Chief of Staff in 1989, the President of a third world country in 1989, and the leader of a revolutionary force in Central America in 1991. <p>Ami Nir was killed in 1988. <p>General Gustavo Alverez was killed in 1989. <p>Enrique Bermudez, Contra leader and overseer of the cocaine kitchens, was killed in 1991. <p>-- <p><a href="http://ld.net/?palcom">7.5c per minute MCI("PremierCom")</a> <p><a href="http://ld.net/?palcom">Premiercom in-state usually lower, for example 5.7c Virginia/DC</a> <p><a href="http://ld.net/?palcom">Vocall card 5c US | 5c Germany | 12c Mex | 64c Nigeria</a> <p><a href="http://ld.net/?palcom">99c Laos | 47c Panama | Cayman Islands 34c | Bulgaria 28c</a> <br> </html>
