-Caveat Lector-
an excerpt from:
The Franklin Cover-up - Child Abuse, Satanism, and Murder in Nebraska
John W. DeCamp(C) 1992/1996 2nd Edition
AWT Inc.
PO Box 85461
Lincoln, Nebraska 68501
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If you haven't seen/read the second edition. There are over 100 new pages of
info.
Here tis a sample. Om
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Part II
INTRODUCTION
It is a little over four years since I, John DeCamp, wrote the words you have
just read. My closest friend and mentor, Bill Colby, like so many others in
the Franklin case, is dead; he was fished out of a river in front of his
home, under the most questionable of circumstances, in April 1996.
Was he killed because of his involvement in Franklin? I don't know. What I do
know, is that Bill Colby was the heart and soul of the Franklin
investigation. Although at a certain point he warned me against investigating
the case further, it was he who relentlessly pushed to publicly expose what
had already been discovered, when everyone else, including, at times, myself,
wanted to call it quits. Without him, this book would never have been
written. In the new, final chapter of this second edition, I tell much more
about my relationship to Bill Colby, who was, in my estimation, one of the
greatest patriots this country has seen, from the time that he served as our
country's Deputy Ambassador to South Vietnam (but, in reality, as CIA Station
Chief), and recruited a young combat infantry captain named John DeCamp to be
one of his chief assistants in Operation Phoenix, right through to his role
in trying to blow open the Franklin cover-up.
I published The Franklin Cover-Up, as much as an insurance policy for myself
and my family, as for any other purpose. Colby had pointed to the extreme
danger for a person to have secret knowledge about a situation, that others
who are affected want to keep out of the public's view.
"Some people will go to any lengths to make sure things stay secret," Colby
had often repeated to me, "which is why the CIA and the KGB sometimes find
their agents dead. Your best interest," he argued, "may well be in publishing
what you know and are able to prove, rather than keeping those facts secret.
Whether you ever sell a single book or not does not really matter. Putting
your information on the public record is what is important. That way, there
is no logical reason to harm you or your family, to suppress some truth you
have already documented. That is probably your real life insurance policy in
something like this Franklin situation," Colby had advised me.
Now, four years later, without a single dollar spent in advertising or
promotion, over 50,000 copies of this book have been sold nationwide. I am
convinced that this is why I am alive today, although I did receive a warning
in September 1996, through reliable sources, that I am targeted�"just like
they got Colby." There have also been innumerable attempts to disbar me.
Although I have thus far been able to defeat every one of these attempts,
they keep coming; to silence me through disbarment is, for those trying to
hide the truth on Franklin, the equivalent of assassinating me. So, the
battle continues, both in the Franklin case per se�about which I include
stunning new material which proves the truth of Part I of this book� and in
the new cases in which I have become involved. As a result of the first
publication of The Franklin Cover-Up, as an attorney, I have become involved
in some of the most famous legal cases now occurring in these United States,
from cases involving the militia movement, to the Oklahoma City bombing, to
the notorious Gordon Kahl shootout with U.S. Marshals, about which
documentaries and movies have been made, to appearances before the U.S.
Senate on all of these matters, including Ruby Ridge and Waco. I have
appeared on all of the national TV networks, and on many national shows, such
as Nightline with Ted Koppel, Good Morning America, CNN's Burden of Proof,
America's Most Wanted, and others.
So, I say, as I dedicate this second edition of The Franklin Cover-Up to my
friend and mentor, William Colby: "Thanks, Bill. You were right, so right it
terrifies me. I told the truth, just as you instructed. Now, as a result of
the publication of the original Franklin Cover-Up, I have ended up in
situations, where, once again, the truth must be told on some explosive new
issues, whose consequences rival those of Franklin, for the future of this
country."
Thus, this new edition contains eight dramatic new chapters (and an
epilogue): The Franklin Investigation, and Cover-up, Continue; Four Years
Later�Where Are They Now?; Troy Boner Steps Forward; Drugs and the Monarch
Project; From Montana to Oklahoma City; The Oklahoma Bombing; The U.S.
Justice Department Murder of Gordon Kahl; and In Memoriam: Bill Colby. This
concluding chapter will reveal more about Colby's role in Franklin, and his
very last instructions to me, two weeks before his death.
Finally, the last word on the Franklin cover-up is delivered in the
epilogue�not by me, but by the nineteenth-century novelist Herman Melville.
Besides his famous Moby Dick, Melville wrote short stories. A high-ranking
personage involved in the Franklin case, told me that one of these stories
contained the ultimate secret behind the Franklin cover-up.
He was right.
CHAPTER 18
THE FRANKLIN INVESTIGATION , AND COVER-UP, CONTINUE
When the first printing of what you have just read appeared in May 1992, I
was threatened with countless law suits by individuals named in the book. I
was told by their attorneys, from some of the most prominent law firms in the
state and in the country, that "We will destroy you in court." As it turned
out, although there have been numerous attempts to disbar me only one law
suit for libel and slander was ever launched as a direct result of the
book�and that was a suit I launched and won, as I will relate.
My victory in that case was but one of a series of what I call the
"mini-miracles"�perhaps a hundred or more unforeseen events since the book
first hit the streets, which prove the truth of The Franklin Cover-Up. I have
chosen a small sampling of these "mini-miracles" to recount here.
After this book appeared, attorneys for Franklin-related individuals
repeatedly appeared in the printed media (particularly in the Omaha World
Herald) and on TV to make statements such as:
"This book is the most libelous and slanderous book I have ever read. The
individuals who have been slandered in this book will definitely be filing
legal actions to stop distribution of this book and against Mr. John DeCamp
personally. That is certain. This book will be stopped and Mr. DeCamp will be
proved to be a liar and made to pay damages."
When reporters who interviewed the lawyers or principals named in the book
contacted me for my response to their threats, I had one standard answer:
"I agree with certain things these people and their attorneys attacking me
are saying. I agree that the things described in this book are horrible. If
anyone had said these things about me, I agree that I would sue them. I
believe if there is anything false in this book or if they believe I have not
told the truth in this book, that they should sue me. In fact, I welcome
their law suits, because that will help develop the truth. I personally
believe I have been most careful and cautious in the way I have handled
matters, and only written about those things I can absolutely document."
So, what happened with those threats? Who sued whom? Who proved what?
The only major lawsuit for libel and slander arising from this book was my
suit against Atlantic Telecast, owner of a television station in Wilmington,
North Carolina, WECT (Channel 6). I charged that statements made on a WECT
news broadcast on November 12, 1992, attacking me and the book were false. I
demanded a retraction and public apology.
The first response I received was from WECT's station manager, who informed
me that WECT had consulted its attorneys, that the station had thoroughly
investigated the matters described in my book, and that WECT was not only not
going to apologize, but planned to repeat the attacks.
WECT's attorney further advised me that the station had investigated, in
part, by talking to U.S. Senator Bob Kerrey from Nebraska, who was running
for president of the United States at the time, and who had visited
Wilmington, and met with representatives of the TV station. Further
investigation, he claimed, was conducted by talking to the new Wilmington
police chief, a man named Robert Wadman�the former police chief of Omaha,
Nebraska, who had come to Wilmington in the early 1990s!
After hearing this, I gave a simple demand to WECT: "Rest assured I am ready
to prove everything I wrote in my book. I hope you are ready and able to
prove your claims made on TV. I give you three weeks for further
investigation, and then I will move forward aggressively on my lawsuit
against you. At that time, I will seek not only an apology, but substantial
monetary damages."
Just under three weeks from the date of my ultimatum, attorneys from Atlantic
Telecast contacted me and stated that they had done further investigation and
acknowledged that now they, not I, were in trouble.
Shortly thereafter, a settlement agreement was reached which stipulated: (1)
WECT TV would broadcast a retraction and public apology to me on its news
broadcasts, and would issue a press release to the same effect; (2) WECT
would pay me money damages and other financial benefits; (3) All other
details of the settlement, other than those stated above, would be kept
confidential for the benefit of the TV station.
I accepted the settlement offer, and dismissed my lawsuit. WECT lived up to
its part of the settlement, and I have lived up to mine.
My lawsuit intersected a fierce political battle between Chief Wadman, upon
whom WECT had relied for its information, and his own police department,
particularly with an officer named Sgt. Robert Clatty. Sgt. Clatty is the
Wilmington Police Department's expert on satanic ritual abuse of children,
and is one of North Carolina's recognized experts as well, with published
works on the subject. Chief Wadman, on the other hand, claimed that there was
no such thing as satanic ritual abuse; he attempted to make it impossible for
Sgt. Clatty to carry out his work, and, at one point, suspended him.
The publicly waged war between Chief Wadman and his wide array of defenders
in Wilmington and across North Carolina, and Wadman' s adversaries, led
primarily by Officer Clatty, went as high as the State Legislature. From 1992
until roughly mid-1994, it divided the city of Wilmington, and even the state
of North Carolina.
The outcome of the war between Chief Wadman and his own force was that in
early July 1994, a secret meeting was held with city officials and Wadman's
attorney. On July 11, 1994, Wadman resigned as police chief. Although city
officials refused to comment on what had transpired in the meeting, Wadman
himself admitted in a television interview later that month, that he had been
ordered to resign from the Wilmington Police Department.
In May 1992, shortly after the first edition of this book was published,
Monsignor Robert Hupp, who had been the head of Boys Town from the late 1970s
through the decade of the 1980s�the critical time in question for the
Franklin case, contacted me and asked to have a meeting, at which he
specified that witnesses must be present. I anticipated that his purpose was
to attack me, and to deny what I had written about Boys Town.
I was completely wrong. With two witnesses present, Monsignor Hupp opened our
discussion with the simple statement: "John DeCamp, your book stated the
game; I hope I can help with some of the names."
Monsignor Hupp and I then entered into an in-depth discussion on the entire
situation involving Boys Town, Larry King, Peter Citron, the pedophile
problem in general, and the entire story of the Franklin cover-up.
He verified piece after piece of evidence of the Franklin story for me, and
provided guidance on other directions in which to look, to develop further
proof of the children's stories of abuse by this country's wealthy and
powerful.
When I asked Monsignor Hupp how this ever could have happened at Boys Town,
he looked at me and told me, so apologetically, "I am like the wife who did
not know, and was the last to find out. And when I finally did suspect
something and tried to act, the Archbishop [Daniel Sheehan] elected to do
nothing about it, when I asked him to help. And then, when I came upon
something horribly evil, I found public officials and the Church would do
nothing�apparently terrified at the damage it would do to the Church and to
the entire city of Omaha," Monsignor Hupp said.
"What are you talking about?" I asked him. "Is there some particular story or
incident you are talking about in the book that you have more information
about? Please explain what you mean," I asked the Monsignor.
He then described an incident in 1985, in which a young boy named Shattuck,
who lived in Elkhorn, Nebraska, had been sexually abused and then killed. The
Monsignor told me that he was certain who had killed the boy, a man he
identified as a member of the Catholic clergy in the Omaha Archdiocese.
Monsignor Hupp provided precise detail which he said proved beyond any doubt,
that the particular individual he named was in fact, the child's murderer.
"The Church is plagued by these sexual abuse problems across the country and
by the devastating publicity the clergy abuse incidents have caused,"
Monsignor Hupp explained. "The Church's reaction to these sexual abuse
problems is, in most cases, to immediately get the clergy member involved out
of the state and, if possible, out of the country, and hopefully into
treatment. I know that may not be right, but it is a difficult situation to
deal with, and simply moving the priest or the brother out of the state or
country has been the traditional approach by the Church in America to
addressing the problems. In this case, where an innocent child was murdered
and where I know that a member of our clergy has done this, I felt I had a
moral obligation overriding all other things, to bring the situation to the
attention of the appropriate authorities. And I did," Hupp concluded.
The Monsignor then shocked me for the second time that day�and in a way that
brought back to me the horrible memories of the Franklin cover-up.
He explained that after he determined that the Catholic Archbishop of Omaha
was not going to take action on the case he then went to the FBI and to the
Omaha law enforcement authorities to provide complete details on the child's
murder
So, what happened as a result of Monsignor Hupp's actions?
Apparently, nothing. Each year on the anniversary of the child's murder�now
almost ten years�the media talks about the case as still being "under
investigation," and street rumors persist about the Catholic clergyman�the
one Monsignor Hupp believes killed the child�who was shipped out of state for
alcohol treatment right after the murder.
In the aftermath of our meeting, Monsignor Hupp ran into his own problems. In
September 1992, the Monsignor advised me that he was receiving all kinds of
pressure and criticism and was, he feared, being forced to leave Boys Town.
Shortly after that discussion, in a controversy that received national press
attention on how resources should be used at Boys Town, Monsignor Hupp was
removed from his post. He now lives quietly in a home in West Omaha,
Nebraska. Monsignor Hupp has shown incredible courage, as he has continued to
provide me direction and assistance in the Franklin investigation and related
matters.
Monsignor Hupp is not some 13-year-old kid whom the cops say they cannot
trust or believe. On the contrary, he is one of America' s most famous and
nationally honored clergymen; the author of two best sellers; a former
Presidential Appointee as Special Ambassador to the United Nations; and the
former head of America's most famous child care institution (Boys Town).
Monsignor Hupp showed his courage yet again, when he repeated his charges a
year later to a British TV team making a documentary on the Franklin
cover-up, entitled Conspiracy of Silence.
In mid-1993, after The Franklin Cover-Up had been circulating for almost a
year, the British-based TV station, Yorkshire Television, sent a top-notch
team to Nebraska to launch its own investigation of the Franklin case.
Yorkshire had a contract with the Discovery Channel to produce a documentary
on the case for American television.
They spent many months in Nebraska, and also traveled this country from one
end to the other, interviewing, filming, and documenting piece-by-piece the
Franklin story as I had told it in the book. They spent somewhere between a
quarter-million and one-half million dollars investigating the story,
deploying probably a thousand times the resources and abilities that I
personally had.
Over the year that I worked with them, I was amazed at the team's ability to
gather new documents and witnesses which kept opening up new and frightening
facts about Franklin. They were a crack team. In the final weeks that they
were in Nebraska, they expressed their certainty that they would win awards
for this documented horror story of government-sanctioned drug-running
involving children; government-sanctioned abuse of children; and government
protection of some of this country's most powerful businessmen and
politicians, who had been the chief actors in the Franklin story.
Finally, the big day came. Their documentary was to air nationwide on the
Discovery Channel on May 3, 1994. It was advertised in the TV Guide and in
newspapers for that day. But no one ever saw that program. At the last
minute, and without explanation, it was pulled from the air. It was not shown
then, and has never been broadcast anywhere since.
I have a copy of that program, which arrived anonymously in my mail in late
1995. When I watched this pirated copy, I could see clearly why the program
had been suppressed. Conspiracy of Silence proved, beyond doubt, that the
essential points I had stressed in the book (and more) were all true.
For instance, the team had interviewed Troy Boner. Sometime after that grand
jury was over, Troy, guilt-stricken because of his lying over Gary Caradori's
death, contacted me and told the truth about what had happened. This is
recorded in a remarkable affidavit (see Chapter 20). The Yorkshire TV team
spent a small fortune to confirm Troy's charges. They flew Troy to Chicago
and paid for a lengthy polygraph (lie detector) test at the Keeler Polygraph
Institute. With the results of that test, the Yorkshire team was so convinced
that Troy was telling the truth, that they featured him in their documentary.
It was only in mid-1996, that I finally pieced together, through sources I am
not at liberty to disclose, what happened to stop the broadcast of this
documentary.
1. At the time the Yorkshire TV team and the Discovery Channel were doing
the documentary, they had no idea how high up the case would go into
Government, and; what major institutions and personalities in this country,
would be found to be linked to the Franklin story. Ultimately, the
documentary focused on several limited aspects documented in this book, and
developed them much more extensively than I ever had the resources or
abilities to accomplish.
2. These areas which the documentary focused on, were: (a) the use and
involvement of Boys Town children and personalities in the Franklin Scandal,
particularly Peter Citron and Larry King's relationships to Boys Town; (b)
the linkage of Franklin to some of this country's top politicians in
Washington, and in the U.S. Congress, with particular attention on those who
attended parties held by Larry King at his Washington mansion on Embassy Row;
(c) the impropriety of these-politicians and businessmen and compromising of
these people by Larry King, through drugs and using children for pedophilia.
3. When the broadcast tape was sent to the United States, Customs officials
seized the documentary and held it up as being "pornographic material."
Attorneys for Discovery Channel and Yorkshire TV were able to get the
documentary released. Then, the lawyers went through the film for months,
making this or that change or deletion, so that the documentary ultimately
advertised to be shown on the Discovery Channel on May 3, 1994, would survive
any claims of libel or slander that any of the individuals identified in the
documentary might attempt to bring. The lawyers had cleared the documentary
for broadcast.
4. During the several months that the documentary was being prepared and
advertised for showing, major legislation impacting the entire future of the
Cable TV industry was being debated on Capitol Hill. Legislation, which the
industry opposed, was under debate for placing controls on the industry and
the contents of what could be shown. Messages were delivered in no uncertain
terms from key politicians involved in the Cable TV battle, that if the
Conspiracy of Silence were shown on the Discovery Channel as planned, then
the industry would probably lose the debate. An agreement was reached:
Conspiracy of Silence was pulled, and with no rights for sale or broadcast by
any other program; Yorkshire TV would be reimbursed for the costs of
production, the Discovery Channel itself would never be linked to the
documentary; and copies of Conspiracy in Silence would be destroyed.
Not all copies were destroyed, however, as I and some others received
anonymously in the mail a copy of the nearly-finished product.
� � �
I said in Chapter 12, "The Omaha Business Community":
"As essential to Franklin as [Harold] Andersen's fundraising and publicity
were, the credit union could not have functioned for a single day without the
complicity of Nebraska's largest bank, FirsTier.... Every dollar that went
into Franklin Credit Union�the missing $40 million was no exception�went into
its account #153-7-353 at FirsTier."
In October 1994, evidence released through the Freedom of Information Act
(FOIA) proved exactly how right I was. These FOIA documents showed that some
of the same attorneys who had threatened so loudly to sue me, together with
the FirsTier Bank with which they were associated, had reached a financial
settlement with the National Credit Union Association (NCUA), in which they
agreed to pay the NCUA $10 million in damages for their role in improprieties
involving Franklin. The attorneys had to come up with over $6 million, and
First Tier itself, over $3 million.
Despite the fact that the FirsTier case was the biggest malpractice
settlement in the history of Nebraska, and despite the fact that the
settlement involved very prominent individuals� including former Republican
Governor Charlie Thone and attorney Jay Derr�the story received almost no
coverage in the press, that is, before the FOIA material became public. Then
the World Herald jumped in with a huge editorial in October
1994, entitled "Franklin Credit Union Crimes Unfairly Claim New Victims." The
World Herald wrote:
"Some defendants, including banks and a law firm, have agreed to pay more
than $10 million to the NCUA to settle the claims. They admitted no
wrongdoing. They said they acted to avoid prolonged litigation. Their
position is understandable. Litigation is expensive. Moreover, this
particular litigation ran the risk of creating a false impression.... The
impression could have taken hold that a wide circle of legal and financial
advisers sat on the knowledge that King was looting the credit union.... Such
an impression would have been false."
There was, indeed, "a wide circle of legal and financial advisers" in on the
looting of Franklin, just as I had charged, and whom I name in Chapter 12,
"The Omaha Business Community." Finally, some of them, at least, had to pay
for it. Nor was this the only multi-million dollar scam to be exposed in the
wake of the first edition of this book.
� � �
In Chapter 6, I described another big money scheme that intersected the
Franklin case�the looting of the Commonwealth Savings Bank, in which I filed
a claim on behalf of the Commonwealth victims. To my surprise and joy, I
succeeded beyond all my expectations in this case�until a strained
interpretation of our state Constitution was put forward by Nebraska's
Supreme Court.
First, I presented to the Claims Board the Commonwealth story exactly as
described in this book, but with even more extensive documentation.
The Claims Board agreed and reached a Settlement for some $16,000,000.00 to
be paid to the Commonwealth victims.
But, the Legislature had to approve this, as did the Governor.
So, we took the matter of the settlement�with me as attorney for the
Claimants and victims�to the State Legislature. Surprise�in a close but
bitter battle, enough Senators stood up to acknowledge the horrible acts that
had occurred, and the intense suffering of the Commonwealth victims that
resulted. The settlement was approved.
- Next, we went to the Governor, who signed the legislation for the
settlement.
Then, the matter was taken to court by certain unnamed individuals (concerned
citizens), who claimed that they did not want their tax money used to pay
these Commonwealth victims. Nebraska has a unique section in its State
Constitution which forbids the state from using any tax dollars for purposes
of extending the credit of the state or granting a gift.
The result: that which the Claims Board, and the Legislature and the Governor
all agreed the Commonwealth Savings Bank victims were entitled to because of
the failures of the Government in Commonwealth, was taken away by the Supreme
Court of the State of Nebraska. The Court claimed that Nebraska's
Constitution forbids paying the money to the victims, because they were only
victims of moral wrongdoing, rather than legal wrongdoing.
And John DeCamp, who would have become a multi-millionaire out of the case
because I had done it on a contingent fee basis, ended up with nothing but
the certain knowledge that I had established the truth as I have written in
this book with respect to Commonwealth Savings Bank and certain of the
personalities who are today so prominent on the national scene�Senator Bobby
Kerrey, for example.
� � �
Besides Yorkshire TV, the most notable among the electronic media which
became interested in the Franklin story was the TV program, America's Most
Wanted (AMW). In several episodes, AMW opened up a whole new dimension on
just how high up politically the story went and how wide it reached across
the country.
For a while, I had great hopes. For example, AMW interviewed Paul Bonacci in
prison and broadcast his account of a host of specific details about
individuals, places, activities, kidnappings, etc., in which he said he had
participated.
To the shock of AMW (and sometimes, of myself), the incidents Paul Bonacci
described, when investigated by AMW, turned out to be exactly as Paul had
recounted.
For instance, a young boy named "Jimmy" who had been branded by pedophile
perpetrators�like you would brand a steer with a hot iron�cautiously came
forward to a nationally broadcast request by AMW, and verified many of the
events Paul had described, including a secret hiding place for concealing
children located in Colorado, precisely as Paul had said.
Investigation by AMW in preparing subsequent episodes of the program, began
turning over more and more rocks, providing still more proof of the story
told by Alisha Owen and by the other victim-witnesses. AMW even featured a
one-hour special on one of the most important kidnappings on which Bonacci
had given details, that of Johnny Gosch, the Des Moines, Iowa, newspaper boy
who had disappeared a dozen years ago. Gosch's parents, John and Noreen, had
repeatedly met with Bonacci and become convinced of the truth of Paul's
description of the kidnapping and of Paul's own participation in it. At a
press conference reported in the World Herald April 7, 1992, John and Noreen
Gosch had declared: "Paul (Bonacci) told my wife and I things that we've
never told anybody."
The investigation was moving rapidly in the Franklin case, as proof poured in
by the bucketful. Then, I received a call from AMW producer for the show,
Paul Sparrow.
"We are going to slow it down a bit on the Franklin story," Sparrow told me,
"until you can get a break in the courts or get some responsible law
enforcement to follow up some of the leads we have provided them. I don't
know how to exactly say this, but I am beginning to understand what you are
up against when it comes to certain law enforcement not wanting to pursue
this story," Sparrow continued.
"What, exactly, do you mean?" I asked him.
"Well," Sparrow continued, "you must be aware of the fact that America's Most
Wanted works extremely close with the FBI. In fact, without them we would not
really be able to have a program. We really have never had any major
disagreements in all our programming because we can' t afford to. Our success
requires their cooperation and we are a tremendous benefit to them, which
they could get nowhere else. But we are running into some severe problems on
this Franklin thing. It is the first time that the FBI is refusing to
cooperate. And, they are making it very clear that they want us off of this
story�particularly anything to do with the FBI."
Paul Sparrow told me much more, but I promised confidentiality on those
matters and will live up to that promise.
As I told Paul several weeks later, "You have done a tremendous service for
this country in the work you did on the Franklin case, on its nationwide
links and on its drug dealing and political implications, and particularly,
by proving so many of the things in question, including even arranging to
have Paul Bonacci polygraphed by some of the nation's best experts to prove
his truthfulness. I full well understand your sensitive situation and your
relationship with the FBI and the problems this entire case causes for you,
because the essence of Paul Bonacci and the children's claims is that the
FBI, for whatever reasons, is refusing to do anything about this case and is
itself part of the cover-up."
I told Paul Sparrow that I accepted his definition of his duty: to provide an
entertainment program to the American public; that requires the complete
cooperation of the FBI, rather than an adversarial relationship. I have
continued to maintain contact with Paul Sparrow and America's Most Wanted,
and maintain the highest admiration for Paul and his work. But he has done
his job. Now, it is up to myself and other Americans, and particularly law
enforcement, who had the opportunity to see the America's Most Wanted
programs, to do something about it.
AMW had turned up boatloads of new evidence on the Franklin case, and on the
kidnapping of Johnny Gosch. The FBI, in response to this new evidence,
officially stated that Alisha Owen was a convicted liar, and that Paul
Bonacci was a convicted child molester. Their response to the October 1993
requests of Troy Boner and his mother to join the Federal Witness Protection
Program, so they could safely provide further evidence on Troy's affidavit
statement, was to not only deny the request but to threaten Troy with
prosecution on charges of perjury, if he attempted to change the fabricated
story that had helped convict Alisha Owen.
� � �
Still another revelation confirming the Franklin story surfaced with the
apparent forced retirement of FBI head William Sessions in 1994. In Chapter
14, "Cover-up Phase III: The FBI," I discussed the case of the
African-American FBI agent Donald Rochon in Omaha. Rochon had alleged, in his
lawsuit against the FBI, that, in addition to harassing him, FBI agents in
the Omaha office were involved in all sorts of sexual perversions, and these
same agents were also "investigating" homosexual prostitution rings involving
Boys Town. As I had reported, it was only a matter of time until Rochon
discovered� if he had not done so already�that his FBI tormentors were deeply
involved in the Franklin affair itself. The FBI agreed to settle Rochon's
suit by paying him $1 million, and to reimburse his legal expenses of
$500,000.
Later, in 1994, when the press was hounding Sessions as to what, if anything,
he had done during his term as FBI Director, Judge Sessions defended himself
by recalling his "successful" handling of the law suit of the former FBI
agent Donald Rochon, which, he said, he had been able to settle, without it
damaging the FBI. Sessions said that the horrible allegations Rochon had made
in his lawsuit were in fact true, and that a public trial would have damaged
the Bureau. He, Sessions, had prevented this disaster by settling out of
court.
� � �
In Chapter 14, "Cover-up Phase III: The FBI," I reported how, in October
1989, John Stevens Berry, counsel for the State Senate Franklin Committee
grilled Omaha Police Chief Robert Wadman as to why the Omaha Police
Department was dismissing the reports by child victim-witnesses of horrific
abuse, and of other crimes. Wadman replied:
"The FBI . . . conducts an investigation and basically says the same things
that we have said. If the FBI, are they now linked to this cover-up in some
way? Should the Justice Department be investigated as somehow or another
assisting in this 'cover-up' ?"
I noted, apropos of this exchange, that, "Wadman said it, but in this case
it's true. The Justice Department, acting through the FBI and the U.S.
Attorney's Office in Omaha, emerges from the record of the Franklin
investigations not so much as a party to the cover-up, but as its
coordinator."
Now, four years later, I am even more certain of these charges. Not only has
information continued to pour in on the Franklin case which strengthens me in
that conviction, and not only has the Justice Department turned its back on a
high-level request to re-examine the whole Franklin case (see Chapter 25),
but, in case after notorious case entirely unrelated to Franklin, Justice
Department personnel appear as liars, perverts, frame-up artists, and
even�assassins.
An increasing number of citizens view the United States government with
suspicion, even hatred. Though there are no doubt other branches of the
government where corruption flourishes, there is no question in my mind that
the stench of evil which emanates from Washington, originates in the
so-called Department of Justice, particularly in its permanent bureaucracy. I
have documented that case with respect to the Franklin cover-up, and the
average citizen may have become aware of it in the massacre at Ruby Ridge,
Idaho, in August 1992, where it is now generally acknowledged that the
Justice Department, through its FBI marksmen, murdered the 14-year-old son
and wife of Randy Weaver. The same thing happened in Waco, Texas in 1993,
when the Justice Department directed the slaughter of 86 people, based on
false reports from "informants" out of Melbourne, Australia, associated with
the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith.
I will note here, several other cases in which that same hideous corruption
is apparent, and then describe at length, in Chapter 24 how the U.S. Justice
Department on June 3, 1-983, killed in cold blood midwestern farm activist
Gordon Kahl, whose son is now my client.
The Larouche Case
I think by now, although the major news media alternately blacks him out, or
slanders him, most people in the country know something about the economist
and several-time Democratic Party presidential candidate, Lyndon H. LaRouche,
Jr. After all, he did get a very respectable 600,000 votes in the Democratic
presidential primaries in 1996, averaging 10% or more of the vote in each
state in which he ran. And, while people may have heard that he is a
"convicted felon," they probably have no idea of what actually happened.
On December 16, 1988, Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr. and six co-defendants were
convicted on one count of conspiracy to commit mail fraud, eleven counts of
mail fraud, in the alleged amount of $294,000 in unrepaid loans; LaRouche was
convicted on one additional charge, of attempting to defraud the Internal
Revenue Service. LaRouche was then 66 years old; it was obvious that the very
harsh sentence of 15 years he was given, meant that the Justice Department
intended for him to die in jail. In 1991, I first had a chance to examine a
small portion of the six volumes of evidence his attorneys filed with the
court, proving his innocence. I must say, notwithstanding all that I had
already been through on the Franklin case, I was shocked�no, "stunned" is a
better word�by what I read. I remember saying to colleagues at the time, "Oh,
my God, if they can do this to LaRouche, who is a well-known, if
controversial, political figure, in this blatant way, there is no one in the
country that they won't simply frame up."
The U.S. Justice Department had not a shadow of "evidence" to convict
LaRouche, nor any of his associates, one of whom, Michael Billington, was
sent to jail in Virginia for 77 years! In fact, the evidence showed�in the
government's own documents released under the Freedom of Information Act�as
LaRouche's attorneys contended, that "The U.S. government knew at all
relevant times, from 1979 to the present day, that Lyndon LaRouche and his
co-defendants were innocent of the false charges for which they were
convicted." The only crimes committed in the "LaRouche case" were the massive
illegalities of the U.S. Department of Justice in their zeal to remove
LaRouche from the political life of this country.
It later turned out, as LaRouche's associates found out from FOIA appeals,
that LaRouche's latest troubles started when his longtime political enemy,
Henry Kissinger, wrote a letter in 1982 to then-FBI director William Webster,
asking Webster to go after LaRouche. But, already back in 1973, as other FOIA
documents from the FBI's own files showed, the FBI had authorized the
Communist Party of the United States (which it basically ran, through its
"informants") to "eliminate" LaRouche�that is, to kill him outright.
I was not the only one to get a whiff of a big-time frame-up. Former U.S.
Attorney General Ramsey Clark, with whom I had had some contact during the
Franklin case, and who was LaRouche' s appeals lawyer, wrote a letter to
Attorney General Janet Reno, in which he said, "I believe it [the LaRouche
case] involves a broader range of deliberate and systematic misconduct and
abuse of power over a longer period of time in an effort to destroy a
political movement and leader, than any other federal prosecution in my time
or to my knowledge."
And, as of August 1996, 721 U.S. state legislators (and thousands more
federal parliamentarians and other dignitaries around the world) had signed
an open letter calling for the exoneration of LaRouche which denounced, in no
uncertain terms, his frame-up. LaRouche is out of jail, and going strong, but
he has still not been exonerated from the stain of a phony conviction, nor
compensated for the five years stolen from his life, nor for the untold
damage done to his political movement.
THE DEMJANJUK CASE
A case which almost rivals that of LaRouche, in terms of the length to which
the Justice Department will go to crush one individual, is that of former
Cleveland autoworker John Demjanjuk.
In 1979, the Justice Department accused Demjanjuk of being the notorious
"Ivan the Terrible," the Nazi mass-murderer who
killed countless Jews at the Treblinka concentration camp in Poland.
Demjanjuk's lawyers later proved�again, from the Justice Department's own
documents�that the department knew, almost from the very beginning, that Ivan
the Terrible had already been proven to be someone other than Demjanjuk.
Still other documents showed that the Justice Department knowingly accepted a
forged I.D. card from the Soviet intelligence agency, the KGB, to frame
Demjanjuk.
Finally, with the full knowledge that he was innocent, the Department of
Justice had Demjanjuk extradited to Israel to be executed. It was only due to
the extraordinary courage and tenacity of his Israeli lawyer, Yoram Sheftel,
that the Cleveland autoworker was finally acquitted. Then, on November 17,
1993, the U.S. Sixth Court of Appeals in Cincinnati, Ohio, issued a stinging
rebuke to the Department of Justice, in an 83-page decision overturning
Demjanjuk's denaturalization. The Court charged that the Department had
committed "prosecutorial misconduct" and "fraud upon the court," in obtaining
the conviction.
Nothwithstanding all that, the Justice Department is still trying to have
Demjanjuk extradited from the United States!
THE FRUEMENSCHEN CASE
On January 27, 1988, then-Congressman Mervyn Dymally placed before the House
of Representatives a shocking document. It was an affidavit sworn by an FBI
agent, Hirsch Friedman, concerning an FBI policy named Operation
Fruehmenschen (German for "primitive man"). According to Friedman' s
testimony, "The purpose of this policy was the routine investigation without
probable cause of prominent elected and appointed officials in major
metropolitan areas throughout the United States. It was explained to me that
the basis for this Fruehmenschen policy was the assumption by the FBI that
black officials were intellectually and socially incapable of governing major
governmental organizations and institutions."
Other evidence backed up Friedman's charges, including a 1987 book by Dr.
Mary Sawyer, Harassment of Black Elected Officials: Ten Years Later, a
follow-up to a 1977 report she had issued on the same subject. -
The figures backed up Dymally and Sawyer's charges. Between 1983 and 1988,
14% of all political corruption cases targetted black officials, though they
comprised only 3% of U.S. officeholders. From 1981-1983, roughly half of the
26 members of the Congressional Black Caucus were targets of federal
investigation for indictments. In magnitude, this is as if 204 members of the
(largely white) 435-member House of Representatives were under investigation
at any one time!
On this overall Justice Department corruption, I was very heartened to see a
resolution from the National Black Caucus of State Legislators (NBCSL), which
they had passed at their l9th Annual Legislative Conference, held in
Birmingham, Alabama, from November 28 to December 2, 1995. The resolution
referred to the two-day hearings which the Schiller Institute had sponsored
in Virginia on August 31 and September 1, where a distinguished panel of
legislators and international legal experts (including prominent members of
the NBCSL) came together to examine Department of Justice corruption
regarding the above cases and others. The NBCSL said, in its "Resolution 20:
A Call For Congressional Hearings To Investigate Misconduct by the U.S.
Department of Justice":
"WHEREAS, the hearings focussed on cases where there was evidence of
political targeting of groups and individuals by corrupt officials inside
federal governmental law enforcement agencies, working in tandem with a
concert of private organizations; . .
"WHEREAS, the evidence was presented, not by the good word of the witnesses
alone, but documented by the government's own documents, records, and
memoranda, first suppressed and later obtained under the Freedom of
Information Act, and other legal actions,
"BE IT RESOLVED...That this body, the l9th Annual Legislative Conference of
the National Black Caucus of State Legislators, join this independent and
distinguished panel of individuals, in demanding that both Houses of the
United States Congress exercise their oversight responsibility and conduct
investigative hearings to examine these allegations of gross misconduct by
the Department of Justice. . .and urge our colleagues in the Congressional
Black Caucus to do the same." I can only say, "Amen."
PP275-299
-----
E P I L O G U E
I finally understood the true meaning of the Franklin case one night in early
1996. Watching television and skipping through the channels, I came upon the
movie Billy Budd. Instantly I zeroed in on this movie, and my heart, rather
than the channels started skipping.
By the time the movie ended, the Franklin cover-up made sense. Alisha Owen's
imprisonment for telling the truth made sense. The protection of the
perpetrators by our highest public officials, finally made sense. I
understood, also, why it was necessary to discredit me, John DeCamp, and to
kill Gary Caradori, with his eight-year-old son. Any nagging doubts I may
have had about any aspects of Paul Bonacci's charges were laid to rest. And
it was clear to me, at last, that public officials at all levels knew Paul
was telling the truth, as they set out to destroy him.
Where did the blinding revelation come from? Let me go back a few months, to
my last attempt to get a new trial for Alisha Owen. At that hearing, Troy
Boner, who had originally told Gary Caradori the truth, and who had been
forced to recant was preparing to testify�to tell the truth as you read it in
his affidavit in Chapter 21. Troy Boner was going to provide the information
in open court, under oath, that would blow the lid off the Franklin case and
force a new trial for Alisha Owen.
As Troy came into the courthouse, he was immediately ushered into a private
room by county judicial authorities. He was advised that a "Special Attorney"
had been appointed to protect him. For approximately one hour, while the
hearing was delayed, Troy was cornered in a room with this "Special Attorney"
and with other officials from the prosecutor's office,
the very same prosecutorial team Troy was about to testify against
When Troy came out of the meeting, I knew he was broken, his morale smashed.
His head hung down. He could not, or would not look at anyone.
As I approached Troy, his new court-appointed attorney tried to step between
us. With probably the last ounce of courage he could muster, Troy leaned over
and whispered to me, "Oh God, forgive me. They guaranteed if I- talk here
today, they will put me away for twenty years. Guaranteed I would never see
the light of day again. Told me that I would be charged with perjury for my
original testimony, if I opened my mouth today in court. Don't call me up
there. I can't survive in prison. I know they can put me there. Look what
they did to Alisha. Look what they did to my brother. I've got no choice.
They told me I had to take the Fifth Amendment and refuse to testify.
Otherwise, they promised I would be taken directly from court to jail."
We all proceeded into the court room, where I called Troy to the stand. I
showed Troy his affidavit. He hung his head, and when I asked my first
question, "Would you please state your name?" Troy responded, "I take the
Fifth Amendment," an answer he repeated, in a barely audible voice, to all my
other questions.
It was hopeless. I ceased my questioning, and shortly thereafter the hearing
ended.
I walked back to the judge's chambers to clear up any final details. Judge
Enbody had been specially appointed by the Nebraska State Supreme Court to
this hearing, which I had won from the Supreme Court based on Troy's new
information. (The next day I learned that he had been appointed to the Court
of Appeals�a very substantial advancement in his career.)
Sitting in Judge Enbody's chambers, with my head hung so low it was hitting
my shoestrings, I was given the key to unlock the meaning of Franklin.
"I do not understand it, Your Honor," I kept repeating. "As God is my
witness, I do not think that there is a judge or other person involved in
this case who does not know that horrible
injustice has been done. Everybody knows that Alisha Owen is telling the
truth and that she is being punished for it. And, Your Honor, a person has to
be deaf, dumb, blind, and totally dishonest, not to know that some of this
state's and nation's top businessmen and public officials have engaged in the
worst crimes possible, which are now being covered up. And these kids,
instead of being honored and protected for exposing these things, are being
sent to prison. Why? Why? Why?"
Judge Enbody looked at me. Slowly, his voice shaking, he began to talk.
"I am just a man. I am not a god. I wish I were. I have no choice in what I
have done. I am just a man, just-a man, not a god. I am doing what I must do
with the evidence before me," Judge Enbody concluded. He appeared even more
shaken and upset than I was.
I shook my head. "I don't understand. I just don't understand," I kept
repeating. "Everybody knows what is happening but nobody is willing to do
anything about it. Why? Why?!!"
Judge Enbody looked at me and said, very slowly, "If you want to understand
the entire Franklin case, I can help you. Go read 'Billy Budd.' Read 'Billy
Budd.' If you will do that John, and if you understand the book, then you
will understand the what and why of Franklin, and why it can be no other way.
I do not say you will like it. I do not say you will agree with it. But at
least you will understand it. That, I promise you. Go read 'Billy Budd'."
Those were the last words I spoke with the Judge on the case. I left his
chambers, burnt out, but angry. And I forgot all about Billy Budd, until the
night I happened upon the movie.
The story of Billy Budd is set in the British Navy near the end of the
eighteenth century. Billy was a young sailor, who, although impressed into
the British Navy, bore no ill will to the authorities for having dragooned
him; indeed, he was the very picture of innocence and good-will, and was
almost universally loved aboard his war-ship. One officer, however, developed
an insane jealousy of Billy, and set out to frame him up for allegedly
inciting mutiny. Since there had been several notorious mutinies in the
British fleet at the time, the mere
whisper of "mutiny" was enough to spread panic among the ship's officers.
To make a long story short, because of certain incriminating appearances in
the case, the captain and his senior officers, although they knew Billy was
innocent of all charges, nonetheless sentenced him to hang, a necessity�as
they viewed it� to "save the system," not just on their own ship, but in the
British fleet as a whole.
Now I think I do understand the Franklin case. I know, now, that all the
public officials involved in Franklin�whether they ever heard of Billy Budd
or not�fully understood what they were doing.
And what they all have done, and will continue to do in this case, Franklin,
and no doubt many others like it, is this: Protect the "system" at all costs.
The "system" is the only ultimate sacred cow�not any particular law or
constitution, but only "the system." Because, ultimately, it is the system
which makes certain that the individuals functioning within it�from judges to
lawyers, to prosecutors, to politicians, to businessmen� have their places
and positions, and opportunities and pecking order, and future.
And, though it is unfortunate, that on occasion the protection of the
"system" requires the deliberate sacrifice of perfectly innocent people, that
is hoped overall to be the exception rather than the rule. But without the
"system" . . .
So, Judge Enbody, now I understand. And, as you said, I may not agree, but I
do understand.
But then I have one final, nagging question. How do I know when, or if, the
"system" itself has become so corrupted, that evil is the rule, rather than
the exception? And when that occurs, what do I do about it?
But I think I know the answer to that one�my old commanding officer in
Vietnam told me what I had to do. I made some promises to Bill, and I intend
to keep them.
pp390-393
---
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris
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