-Caveat Lector-
an excerpt from:
Behemoth - The Structure and Practice of National Socialism
Franz Neuman
Oxford University Press�1942
Tronto/New York/London
532 pps. - first edition/out-of-print
--[1b]--
6. THE PHILOSOPHY OF ANTI-SEMITISM
This enslavement was not accomplished at one stroke. There are a number of
reasons for the so-called official leniency shown until 1938 regarding the
economic position of Jews. Foreign pressure was undoubtedly very important.
The speech which Federal Minister of the Interior Dr. Frick, [72] gave before
the diplomatic corps and the foreign press on 15 February 1934, justifying
the anti-Jewish legislation, clearly shows how much Germany cared for public
opinion. The insistence upon legality instead of outright expropriation is
also to be explained by purely economic reasons. A precipitate liquidation of
Jewish holdings would have disrupted German economic life.
Political and psychological factors in the anti-Jewish economic legislation
seem to have played a decisive part. The economic legislation against the
Jews was one of the most important methods for distributing spoils; it
performed the same function as the expropriation of ecclesiastical property
under Henry VIII and during the French Revolution. It redistributed property
among those strata of the population whose support is vital for the regime:
the powerful financial and industrial capitalists.
Expropriation of Jewish property is also a method of satisfying the
anti-capitalistic longings of the German people. Since property has generally
been left untouched by National Socialism, it is vital for the regime to show
that it has the power of taking it away. In the eyes of the anti-capitalistic
masses, the expropriation of one section of the people makes it appear
possible that some day the regime may resort to outright and wholesale
nationalization, an expectation shared by many foreign observers who are
prone to denote the National Socialist regime as an anti-capitalist one.
Instead of exterminating Jewish economic life at one blow, the National
Socialist administration proceeded gradually. The reasons for this were
political. The administration kept a number of anti-Jewish measures up its
sleeve and enacted them one by one, whenever it was necessary to stimulate
the masses or divert their attention from other socio-economic and
international policies. Spontaneous, popular Anti-Semitism is still weak in
Germany. This assertion cannot be proved directly, but it is significant that
despite the incessant propaganda to which the German people have been
subjected for many years, there is no record of a single spontaneous
anti-Jewish attack committed by persons not belonging to the Nazi party. The
writer's personal conviction, paradoxical as it may seem, is that the German
people are the least Anti-Semitic of all.
To understand the roots of Anti-Semitic terrorism requires a distinction
between the various types of Anti-Semitism and a brief discussion of
prevalent Anti-Semitic theories.
Anti-Semitism can be totalitarian or non-totalitarian. For the totalitarian
Anti-Semite, the Jew has long ceased to be a human being. He has become the
incarnation of evil in Germany, nay, in the entire world. In other words,
totalitarian Anti-Semitism is magic and beyond discussion.
Non-totalitarian Anti-Semitism preserves remnants of rationality and can,
therefore, be analyzed. It exists in four forms: religious, economic,
political, and social.
Religious Anti-Semitism derives its strength from the accusation leveled
against the Jews that they were responsible for the crucifixion of Christ.
Such feeling, still powerful in certain Catholic countries (for instance,
Catholic Canada and South America) had very little influence in Germany. It
could be found among the impoverished Catholic masses, particularly in Upper
Silesia, but even there religious Anti-Semitism was fused with Polish
nationalism. It largely expressed the opposition against the Germanization of
the province during the imperial period, a process in which German Jews
played an important, perhaps the most important part. Polish nationalism was
directed against the Prussian bureaucracy, who represented political power,
and against the German Jews, who represented cultural Germanization. And
since Polish nationalism was largely carried on by the lower ranks of the
Catholic clergy, the fusion of religious Anti-Semitism and Polish nationalism
was inevitable. The Catholic Church, as a whole, is not Anti-Semitic. On the
contrary, it recognizes that Anti-Semitism is incompatible with the
spiritually Semitic origin of Christianity.[73] Anti-Semitism within the
church is far more a matter of political expediency than a basic element of
faith or politics.
Anti-Semitism in its other forms was restricted to the new and old middle
classes: the free professions, university teachers, farmers, white-collar
workers, artisans, shopkeepers, and civil servants. Their Anti-Semitism
certainly had an economic basis: it was both competitive and
anti-capitalistic. That the competitive position of the Jewish lawyers,
doctors, bankers, retailers, university teachers, and civil servants caused
Anti-Semitism requires an explanation. Jews occupying primarily intermediary
positions were, so to speak, the concrete manifestation of capitalism for the
old and new middle classes. The small farmer went to the Jewish banker, to
the Jewish grain or cattle dealer, or to a Jewish mortgage agent. The
retailer who resented the existence of Jewish department stores still had to
buy from a Jewish wholesaler and still had to obtain loans from a Jewish pawn
shop or a Jewish banker. His creditors were Jews.
The average German did not and could not see that the Jewish middlemen were,
in fact, merely middlemen-representatives of an impersonal and anonymous
power that dictated their economic activities. The recognition that the
middlemen acted on behalf of a non-Jewish financial and industrial capitalism
would have driven the farmers, retailers, and handicraftsmen into the
socialistic camp, a step they could not take without abandoning their
traditions. Moreover, the socialist program disregarded the interests of
these groups. The Anti-Semitic white-collar worker employed by a Jewish
retailer or wholesaler, a Jewish banker or a department store, could have
joined forces with the manual workers to attack, improve, or overthrow
capitalism. But he refused to be proletarized. He rejected the claim of the
industrial proletariat to leadership and tried to work out his own
Standesbewusstsein, a consciousness of his own calling. Industry and labor
legislation supported him in this endeavor. His anti-capitalist longings were
thus concentrated in his hatred for and resentment against the Jewish
employer, no matter how good his conditions of employment might be.
For these groups, Anti-Semitism created 'an outlet for resentment arising
from damaged self-esteem,'[74] and also made possible a political
collaboration of the old and the new middle classes with the landed
aristocracy. In addition, anti-Jewish hatred expressed the anxiety of those
groups whose traditional patterns of culture were threatened by the
intellectual vanguard that was to a considerable extent composed of Jews. The
modern theater, atonal music, expressionism in painting and literature,
functional architecture, all these seemed to constitute a threat to the
conservatives whose cultural outlook was basically rural, and who thus came
to identify the city and its culture, its economics, and its politics with
the Jew.
Anti-Semitism is also a means of throwing the guilt for the last war upon
'alien enemies so that self-accusation was no longer necessary.'[75] The Jews
are to blame, and the German sacred ego is spared.
Anti-Semitism in present-day Germany is, however, more than a mere device
utilized when necessary and discarded when it has fulfilled its aims. We must
not forget that National Socialism re-writes German history and even world
history in terms of fighting, exposing, and destroying Jewish influence. The
Federal Institute for the History of the New Germany has demanded the
re-writing of history in all its aspects. Wilhelm Grau[76] has drawn up the
program and has already begun to apply the new postulates in his study of
Wilhelm von Humboldt,[77] the founder of the Berlin University, who is, for
Grau, one of the arch pro-Jews. Walter Frank, the president of this
institute, is concerned almost exclusively with the Jewish question. He is
the author of the leading biography of Adolf Stocker. He has denounced the
Jewish character of the Third French Republic.[78] His latest book[79] deals
exclusively with Jewish figures of the Weimar Republic, such as Walter
Rathenau and Maximilian Harden (Harden was a Jewish journalist and advocate
of the imperial expansionist policy, who, as may be readily admitted, was not
exactly an ornament to his profession).
The National Socialist lawyers' organization has already published nine
pamphlets dealing with the influence of Jews upon legal theory and legal,
practice and holding them responsible for the rationalism in legal
theory.[80] There is an enormous number of contributions showing the
perversion of Germanic institutions by Jewish influence, and there is hardly
a book, a pamphlet, or an ideological pronouncement that does not attack
Jewish conspiracy, Jewish immorality, the Jewish disintegrating spirit,
Jewish capitalism, Jewish rationalism, Jewish pacifism, and Jewish
militarism. There is almost no vice that is not attributed to Jews. It is
scarcely surprising that National Socialism should do this. But the almost
complete moral corruption of the German intelligensia, especially of the
academic world, is a depressing fact.
How seriously National Socialism takes the 'scientific research' in the
Jewish problem is illustrated by the opening in Frankfort on 26 March 1941
(Frankfurter Zeitung, 27 March 1941) of the Institute for Jewish Research,
the first outside agency of the party (Hohe Schule der Partei). Slovak,
Hungarian, Rumanian (Cuza), Italian, Bulgarian, Norwegian (Quisling), and
Dutch (Mussert) guests, as well as party, army, and civil service officials,
attended the ceremony. Alfred Rosenberg again dwelt on his favorite theme,
'Science and Party.' The party university would create new room for
science-especially for the natural sciences-but must concentrate on the
'biological laws . . . of peoples and races' and lay bare the poisonous
influence of the Jews. The new director, Wilhelm Grau, explained the task of
the new institute in the same terms as he had done before-the figure of the
Jew thus becomes the dominating figure of German, nay, European history. The
institute disposes of the greatest European Jewish libraries that the
conqueror had confiscated: the Rothschild library in Frankfurt a. M., the
library of the Warsaw Theological Seminary of the Tlomacky synagogue, the
library of the Yiddish-Scientific Institute, and that of the Alliance
Israelite Universelle (Paris). Publications and speeches made it clear that
the institute regards Anti-Semitism as the fundamental ideology of German
imperialism. According to one expert, Dr. Gross, the term Anti-Semitism
should be avoided, for the Jews are not Semites, but a mixed race and cannot
be settled either in Europe or in Arabic countries outside Europe
(Frankfurter Zeitung, 28 March 1941). The servility of that 'scientific
organization' to German imperialism is obvious. German racism has never given
serious consideration to the findings of their own anthropologists. If it is
necessary to win over the Near East, Jews will not be Semites, and the name
of Semites will again be reserved for a friendly nation of Arabs.
Three factors seem to play a fundamental part in the present all-pervading
Anti-Semitism.[81]
First, racism and Anti-Semitism are substitutes for the class struggle. The
officially established peoples' community superseding the class struggle
needs an integrating element. Carl Schmitt has maintained that politics is a
struggle against a foe who must be exterminated.* The theory is true if the
society is aggressive. The new enemy is the Jew. By heaping all hatred, all
resentment, all misery upon one enemy who can easily be exterminated and who
cannot resist, Aryan society can be integrated into a whole. The internal
political value of Anti-Semitism will, therefore, never allow a complete
extermination of the Jews. The foe cannot and must not disappear; he must
always be held in readiness as a scapegoat for all the evils originating in
the socio-political system.[ * See P. 45.]
Secondly, Anti-Semitism provides a justification for eastern
expansion. Both Hitler's autobiography[82] and the party program de-mand a
liberation of all racial brethren from the foreign yoke (Articles 1 and 2 of
the party program), and this implies foreign eastern expansion. Though the
party program also demands the restoration of the colonial possessions,
Hitler himself, in his autobiography, advocates Friedrich List's foreign
policy�that is, col-laboration with England; consolidation of the European
empire, especially by acquiring eastern territories; and rejection of
colonial expansion. But it is precisely in the east and the southeast that
Jews form compact minorities.[83] Were there no racial theory, the
incorporation of these territories would have meant giving the Jews, who have
a much closer affinity to German culture than have Poles, Czechs, Slovaks,
Croats, Rumanians, and Bulgars, a status equal to or even superior to the
non-Jewish inhabitants. The theory of German racial superiority and Jewish
racial inferiority permits the complete enslavement of the eastern Jews and
thereby the playing off of one minority against the other. It actually
establishes a hierarchy of races-giving no rights to the Jews, a few to the
Poles, a few more to the Ukranians (since they, too, live in Soviet Russia
and must be flattered), and full rights to Germans.
The administration of the General Gouvernement (of German-occupied Poland)
cleverly distinguishes between the various minorities.[84] The racial
Germans, i.e. those who 'by descent, language, attitude, education or other
circumstances are Germans,' are on top, although they do not acquire German
citizenship. They receive identification cards (decree of 26 January 1940)
describing them as German Volkszugehoirige. They are employed in the
administration and are to a large extent placed on the same footing as German
citizens. Their children can be educated only in German schools. Only they
and German citizens may receive hunting licenses. They enjoy the collective
wage regulations for German workers and salaried employees, and receive
social insurance benefits although they have no legal claim. Finally, they
have formed a Volksdeutsche community, an organization endowed under public
law with legal personality by a decree of 19 April 1940.
Next to these Germans are the Ukranians, the Gorales, and the White Russians,
who all receive preferential treatment. They may, although they have not yet
done so, establish judicial administrations of their own (decree of 19
February 1940). They are even allowed to keep their radio sets.
Next to them are the Poles and next to the Poles, at the bottom of the scale,
are the Jews. The cultural, economic, legal, and political ghetto has been
gradually transformed into a physical ghetto, as in Warsaw and Cracow. German
Anti-Semitic legislation is largely applied in Poland. By a decree of 28
November 1939, every Jewish community has to set up a Jewish council, which
is to collaborate with the German authorities. While Poles have merely a duty
of work (Arbeitspflicht), all Jews between 14 and 60 years old are subject to
compulsory labor (Arbeitszwang), i.e. to convict labor under orders of the
higher S.S. and police officials. They have to wear a white arm-band bearing
the star of Zion (decree Of 23 November 1939). Their property (1 April 1941)
has been or will be confiscated.
Finally, Anti-Semitism in Germany is an expression of the rejection of
Christianity and all it stands for.[85] Anti-Christian trends in Germany have
two roots and two opposite directions. One rejects Christianity because it is
Christian; the other because it is not Christian enough. The free thinkers'
movement rejected Christianity not only as scientifically untenable, but also
because, in their view, the churches had betrayed the Sermon on the Mount.
The free thinkers did not substitute race hatred, leadership veneration, or
terrorism for Christian love, caritas, and the brotherhood of man, but the
evolution of a scientifically tenable rational theory of justice and
morality. Christian socialism in Germany (Protestant and Catholic) tried to
integrate socialism with Christian morality.
The second anti-Christian trend does not reject the churches because of their
alleged betrayal of Christian principles, but rejects the Christian
principles themselves because they seem incompatible with the specific tasks
that Germany has to undertake, or because those principles mutilate and
fetter man.
Religious Anti-Semitism is, then�and to this extent I share Maurice Samuel's
view�the articulate rejection of Christian morality, but is restricted to the
Semitic origin of Christ because Christianity is too deeply rooted in the
German people and the uprooting of Christianity would be so gigantic a task
that National Socialism can only fulfil it by the long process of education.
The most powerful ideological anti-Christian influence in imperial Germany
was that of Nietzsche. But Nietzsche was no Anti-Semite and every attempt to
stamp him as such must end in failure. Even the National Socialists finally
admitted that his pro-Semitic statements are too numerous to be
neglected.[86] Nietzsche denounced Anti-Semitism as mere jealousy against
spirit and against money and the Anti-Semites as the most recent 'speculators
in idealism.'[87] Nietzsche's work is a most powerful attack upon the
philosophy of the nineteenth century. His hatred is concentrated on
Christianity, liberalism, democracy, and socialism, i.e. on those trends
which, in his view, had initiated and accomplished the enslavement of man.
According to Nietzsche, only a total revolution of values can remedy the
situation. The will to power is the vehicle of the new order. The old order
implies the enslavement of man's healthful and vital instincts, initiated by
Judaism and Christianity, but far more by the New than by the Old Testament.
Religion has introduced the idea of equality, has taught man to 'stammer the
words of equality';[88] democracy is merely a secularized Christianity, 'a
kind of return to nature.'[89] 'The poison of the teaching, equal rights for
all, Christianity has sowed it.'[90] 'The equality of souls before God, this
lie, this screen for the rancunes of all the base-minded, this anarchist bomb
of a concept, which has become the last revolution, the modern idea and
principle of destruction of the whole social order-this is Christian
dynamite.'[91] St. Paul, Rousseau, and socialism all express the same
perversion. 'The gospel that the low and the poor have equal access to
happiness, that one has nothing to do but to free one's self from the
institutions, the tradition, the authorities of the higher estates, in this
respect the rise of Christianity is nothing but the typical teaching of the
socialist.'[92]
But just as much as he rejects democracy, liberalism, socialism, and
Christianity, he also denounces nationalism and imperialism. So deep was
Nietzsche's conviction that Christ had mutilated the healthy instincts of men
that he never forgave his friend Richard Wagner the opera Parsifal, in which
Wagner returned to Christianity. His hatred of Christianity shows, especially
in his Zarathustra, sadistic features. Christianity, as a negation of nature,
is unnatural and therefore contemptible.
Though Nietzsche's philosophy and the National Socialist ideology contain a
good many similarities, there is an unbridgeable gulf between the two, since
Nietzsche's individualism transcends the pattern of any authoritarian order.
Whatever the ultimate meaning of Nietzsche may have been, his reception in
Germany favored the growth of National Socialism.[93] It provided National
Socialism with an intellectual father who had greatness and wit, whose style
was beautiful and not abominable, who was able to articulate the resentment
against both monopoly capitalism and the rising proletariat. It was
especially the Free Youth Movement, the so-called bundische youth, which
protested against the mustiness of the bourgeois culture, against the
complacency of the protestant clergy, against the traditional forms of
nationalism, against the rule of the bureaucrats and desk-generals,
trade-union bosses, industrial barons, financial jobbers�in short, rejected
the whole world of bourgeois culture. But just as Nietzsche was unable to
replace this condemned reality and the Christian teachings by anything but a
more refined naturalism, a Darwinian doctrine of natural selection, so the
Free Youth Movement, which furnished a good many National Socialist leaders,
failed to elaborate any new philosophy except a moral and religious nihilism
that, as does any nihilistic movement, ultimately leads to the acceptance of
any power strong enough to crush all opponents. It was again the middle
classes who were most deeply affected by Nietzsche's anti-Christianity. The
protest against a world that did not satisfy their ambitions and against a
value system that imposed moral restraints upon them is expressed in the
anti-Christian and anti-Jewish movement.
pps. 98-129
--[notes]--
IV: THE RACIAL PEOPLE, THE SOURCE OF CHARISMA
1. Ruth Benedict, Race: Science and Politics, New York, 1940, p. I I
2. Arnold J. Toynbee, A Study of History, London, 1934, Vol. 1, P. 245.
3. Ralph Linton, The Study of Man, New York, 1936, p. 34.
4. Benedict, Op. Cit. P. 241
5. Otto Bauer, Die Nationalitatenfrage und die Sozialdemokratie (Marx.
Studien, Vol. II), Vienna, 1924, p. 114
6. Benjamin Disraeli, 'Whigs and Whigism, in the Political Writings ...
London, 1913, p. 343
7. The most careful analysis of the meanings of the different terms appears
in F. J. Neumann, Volk und Nation, Leipzig, 1888. For a short but precise
account, see Nationalism, a report by a group of the Royal Institute of
International Affairs, London, 1939, pp- xvi-xx.
8. Friedrich Hertz, 'Wesen und Werden der Nation,' in the Erganzungsband der
lahrbucher fur Soziologie, Karlsruhe, 1927, pp. 84-7
9. Social Contract (Everyman's Library Edition), Book I, chapter 6.
10. Ibid. Book I, chapter 8.
11. Book I, chapter 3. For Rousseau's influence on the theory of the nation,
compare Nationalism, pp. 27-8.
12. It is only in this sense that we call agree with Professor Barker's
statement that 'It is possible for nations to exist, and even to exist for
centuries, in unreflective silence' (see Ernest Barker, The National
Character and the Factors of its Formation, London, 1917, p. 116). Until
reflection has begun, we can only speak of a people.
13. Carre de Malberg, Contribution a la theorie generale de l'Etat, 2 vols.,
Paris, 1920, Vol. II, P. 168.
14. Neumann, op. cit. p. 124.
15. Ernest Renan, Qu'est-ce qu'une nation? Paris, 188z, P. 217- On the
political significance of Renan's theory (reconquest of Alsace-Lorraine), see
Hems, op; cit. P. 56.
16. Fichte, Address to the German Nation, trans. by R. F. Jones and G. H.
Turnbull, Chicago, 1922.
17. Friedrich Meinecke, Weltburgertum und Nationalstaat, 6th ed., Munich,
1922, p. 39
18. Politik, 1, 280.
19. Our Country, New York, 1885, p. 179- Strong's other works include
Expansion, 1900, Our World, 1913. On this phase of American intellectual
history, cf. Ralph Henry Gabriel, The Course of American Democratic Thought,
New York, 1940, pp. 340-44
20. Herder, Outlines of a Philosophy of History of Man, trans. by T. 0.
Churchill, London, 1800, p. 447. A good survey is given in Charles Callan
Tansill, 'Racial Theories from Herder to Hitler,' in Thought, 1940, Vol. XV,
PP- 453-68.
21. Philosophy of History, trans. by J. B. Robertson, London, 1888, PP- 310,
348; and Tansill, OP- Cit- PP- 456 f.
22. Politics, trans. by B. Dugdale and T. de Bille, New York, 19x6, Vol. I,
P. 50f
23. Deutsche Geschichte im neunzehnten Jahrhundert, 3rd ed., 1886, Vol. II,
PP- 383-443
24. Politics, Vol. I, p. 96.
25. Trans. by S. S. Lloyd, New York, 1909.
26. 'Uber den Wert und die Bedingungen einer Allianz; swischen
Grossbritannien und Deutschland' (1846), in Friedrich List, Schriften, Reden,
Briefe, Vol. III, Berlin, 1931, pp. 267-98.
27. Ibid. P. 283
28. The reader will find an excellent analysis of Wagner's theories and
influence in Evelyn A. Clark, 'Adolf Wagner: from National Economist to
Nationalist Socialist,' Political Science Quarterly, 1940, Vol- LV, PP-
398-411
29. Adolph Wagner, Grundlegung der politischen Okonomie, 3rd ed., Vol. I,
Leipzig, 1892, p. 6.
30. Ibid. p. 47
31. Preussiscbe Jahrbucher, 1868, Vol. XXI, pp. 379-402
32. Adolph Wagner, Elsass-Lothringen und ihre Wiedergewinnung fur
Deutschland, 2nd ed., Leipzig, 187, P. 2f.
33. Die Grundlagen des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts, trans. by John Lees, New
York, 19 12.
34. Trans. by A. Collins, New York, 1915
35, William Langer, The Diplomacy of Imperialism, 1890-1902, 2 vols., New
York, 1935, Vol- II, p. 417.
36. Foundations, Vol. I, lxvi-lxviii.
37. Tansill, op. cit- p. 464
38. Cosima Wagner und H. S. Chamberlain im Briefwechsel 1888-1908, Leipzig,
1934.
39. Ibid. p. 36.
40. Ibid. p. 604f.; p. 642 contains an attack on Mommsen.
41. Ibid. p. 641.
42. Konig Ludwig II. und Richard Wagner im Briefwechsel, 4 vols., Karlsruhe,
1936, Vol. In, P. 236.
43. The quotations are taken from the research project 'Antisemitism' of the
Institute of Social Research, published in Studies in Philosophy and Social
Science, 1940
44. Cf. J. W. Parkes, The Jewish Problem in the Modern World (Home University
Library), London, 1939, p. 60.
45. Clark, op. cit. p. 398f. For the best survey of Anti-Semitic parties,
Kurt Wawrzinek, Die Entstehung der deutschen Antisemitenparteien, Berlin,
1927, esp. pp. 18-3o. The official National Socialist biography of Stoecker
was written by Walter Frank (President of the Federal Institute for the
History of New Germany), Hofprediger Adolf Stoecker, 2nd ed., Hamburg, 1935
46. See chapter xi, PP- 419-50
47. For information on National Socialism's adoption of the Protocols, see
Hitler, Mein Kampf, p. 423f. The Protocols were the subject of a trial in
Berne, Switzerland, where a publisher was indicted for having printed them.
The basis of the indictment was the Berne statute of 10 September 1915 making
the distribution of 'trash' (Schund) punishable. The charge was dismissed
because the Protocols were not deemed to come under the provisions of the
statute. The trial, however, remains important because for the first time an
impartial agency clearly stated on the basis of exhaustive evidence that the
Protocols constitute a mixture of bold plagiarism, falsification, and
absurdity. Cf. the report of Emil Raas and Georges Brunschwig, Vernichtung
einer Falschung. Der Prozess um die erfundenen 'Weisen von Zion,' Zurich, 1938
48. A Statute to Protect the Hereditary Health of the German People
(Ehegesundbeitsgesetz), IS October 1935
49. Statute against Habitual Criminals, 24 November 1933; Statute to Prevent
Hereditarily Diseased Offspring, 14 July 1933, as amended 26 June 1935 and 4
February 1936.
50. I cite a few decisions. (1) A forty-year-old peasant who had been working
all his life under the direction of his parents was ordered sterilized for
imbecility. 'The peasant must be able to read and count correctly-' 4 April
1939 (Jena), Deutsches Recht (1939), p. 1400. (2) Sterilization was ordered
although the specialist could not discover whether the case of epilepsy under
observation was more than transitory. 22 March 1939 (Jena), Deutsches Recht
(1939), p. 1400(3) Even a single appearance of schizophrenia suffices for
sterilization to be ordered- 4 June 194o (Jena), Deutsches Recht (1940), p.
2031. (4) Strong and complicated short-sightedness is equal to blindness. 15
June 1938 (Jena), Juristische Wochenschrift (1938), p. 2914. (5) A cataract,
even if successfully operated upon, is cause for sterilization, since the
cataract may return. This decision is highly praised. 8 March 1938 (Berlin),
Juristische Wochenschrift (1938), 2913.
51. Now in his book Berlin Diary, New York, 1941, PP- 569-75. This report is
supplemented by the article of Michael Straight in The New Republic Of 5 May
1941, reproducing in photostat the attacks of the Vatican against mercy
killings. Similar facts are reported by J. C. Harsch in the Christian Science
Monitor of 13 March 1941
52. On the decline of the Jewish population, see The American Jewish Year'
Book, New York, 1940, p. 600. This volume contains the best statistics
available on the distribution of Jews.
53. Alfred Marcus, Die wirtschaftliche Krise der deutschen Juden, Berlin, 1930
54. Race betrayal outside of Germany: Decision of the Great Penal Senate, 23
February 1938, recorded in the Zeitschrift der Akademie fur Deutsches Recht
(1938), p. 349. Decision of the Penal Senate, 9 February 1940, recorded in
Deutsches Recht (1940), p. 790. Decision of the Landgericht, Aachen, 23
October 1939, recorded in Deutsche Justiz (1939) p 372. Decision of the
Landgericht, Hamburg, 29 April 1938, recorded the Zeitschrift der Akademie
fur Deutsches Recht (1938), p. 569.
55. Eduard Kohlrausch, 'Rasseverrat im Ausland,' in the Zeitschrift der
Akademie fur Deutsches Recht (1938), pp. 335 and 569. For the opposite view,
see Reichsgerichtsrat Dr. Schwarz (member of the federal supreme court), 'Das
Verbrechen der Rassenschande,' in the Zeitschrift der Akademie fur Deutscbes
Recht (1937), p. 459
56. Decision Of 28 March 1938 published in the Juristische Wochenschrift
(1938), p. 1239. Decision Of 21 March 1938, ibid. p. 1240
57. Decision of 19 September 1938, ibid. P. 2952; Decision of the Great Penal
Senate, 9 December 1936, reported in the Juristische Wochenschrift (1937), p.
160.
58. Decision of z8 November 1938, reported ibid. (1938), P. 228.
59. Decision of 5 January 1939, reported ibid. (1939) p. 340
60. Decision of 14 October 1938, ibid. p. 34.
61. Federal supreme court in the Juristische Wochenschrift (1938), p. 1826;
also Fraenkel, op. cit. P. 92.
62. Federal supreme labor court, ibid. (1937), P. 231o; Fraenkel, op. Cit. P.
92.
63. Gunter Keiser, 'Der jungste Konzentrationsprozess,' in Die
Wirtschaftskurve 1939 (18), p. 148
64. Der Deutsche Volkwirt, 1938 (XII), No. 41.
65. For example, the Bavarian Administrative Tribunal, as revealed in an
article written by Otto Rilk, 'Judentum und Wirtschaft in der neuen deutschen
Rechtsprechung,' in the Juristische Wochenschrift (1938), p. 2533
66. Federal supreme court in the Juristische Wochenschrift (1936), p. 333.
67. Federal supreme court in the Deutsches Recht 1939), p. 437.
68. Federal supreme court in the Juristische Wochenschrift (1937), PP- 2310,
2707.
69. A good survey of material relative to this interpretation may be found in
an article by Kammergerichtsrat Dr. Hover (member of the Prussian Supreme
court), 'Entjudungsfragen,' in the Deutsches Recht (1941), p. 12. For
decisions, see those of the Prussian supreme court reported in Deutsches
Recht (1940), PP- 820, 459, and 42.
70. Prussian supreme court in the Deutsches Recht (1939), p. 2110.
71. Hover, op. cit. p. 13
72. Die Rassengesetzgebung des Dritten Reiches, Munich, 1934
73. Term of Jacques Maritain, Anti-Semitism, London, 1939, P. 27
74. Harold D. Lasswell, 'The Psychology of Hitlerism,' in The Political
Quarterly, 1933 (IV), PP- 373-84. p. 374 is an excellent analysis of
Anti-Semitism, even if I cannot accept Us theory that Hider plays the
'maternal role for certain classes in German society' (p- 379).
75. Lasswell, OP- cit- p. 380.
76. Wilhelm Grau, Die Judenfrage als Aufgabe der neuen Geschichtsforschung,
Hamburg, 1935
77. Grau, Wilhelm von Humboldt und das Problem der Juden, Hamburg, 1935
78. Walter Frank, Nationalismus und Demokratie im Frankreich der Dritten
Republik, Hamburg, 1933
79. Frank, Hore Israel! Harden, Rathenau und die moderne Judenfrage, Hamburg,
1939
80. Das Judentum in der Rechtswissenschaft (9 pamphlets), Berlin, n.d.
81. Italian Anti-Semitism is merely a device, a matter of convenience,
although the former party secretary, Farinacci, and Paolo Orano (Gli Ebrei in
Italia, 1937) developed an Anti-Semitic doctrine. Cf. Martin Agronsky,
'Racism in Italy,' in Foreign Affairs, 1939 (17), PP- 391-401, and Israel
Cohen, 'Jews in Italy,' in The Political Quarterly, 1939 (10), PP. 405-18.
82. Op. cit. chapter XIV.
83. Eastern and Southeastern Jews under German rule (July 1940):
Prior to Territorial Now Under
Country Changes Emigrated German Rule
Austria 181,778 117,000 56,000
Czechoslovakia 356,830
Bohemia-Moravia 117,551 20,000 75,000
Slovakia 136,737 .... 85,045*
Carpatho-Ukraine 102,542 .... ....
Poland 3,325,000 .... 2,200,000
Roumania 758,226 .... 438,226
Bulgaria 48,398 48,398
5,027,062 137,000 2,902,669
*88,951, according to a report from Bratislava. New York Times, 21 March 1941.
Source: 'Statistics of Jews, 1940' from The American Jewish Year
Book, 5701, New
York, 1940, PP. 589-632, especially p. 600.
84. Cf. Albert Weh (on the staff of the Generalgouvernement), 'Das Recht des
Generalgouvemements,' in Deutsches Recht, 1940, PP- 1393-1403
85. This is the main thesis of Maurice Samuel, The Great Hatred, New York,
1940
86. Heinrich Hartle, Nietzsche und der Nationalsozialismus, Munich, 1937
(official), PP- 45-6.
87. All quotations are based on the edition of Oscar Levy, The Complete Works
of Friedrich Nietzsche, 18 vols., London, 1903-13. Genealogy of Morals, 407
d, Aphorism 765.
88. The Will to Power, Aphorism 765. Vol. 15, p. 212.
89. Ibid. Aphorism 215. Vol. 14, p. 178
90. Twilight of the Idols, Aphorism 43. Vol- 16, p. 186.
91. Ibid. Aphorism 39- Vol- 16, P. 230
92. The Will to Power, 150-51, Aphorism 209.
93. Cf- Crane Brinton, Nietzsche, Cambridge (Mass.), 1941, esp- PP, 172-243.
Unfortunately Brinton does not treat the actual dissemination of N.'s ideas
among the various groups of the German people and the transformation of his
ideas during this process of popularization. This important task is still to
be done. That Nietzsche does not at all fit in an authoritarian order has
been admirably brought out by Alfred von Martin, Nietzsche und Burckhardt,
Munich, 1941, esp p. 33
--[cont]--
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris
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