-Caveat Lector-

from:
http://www.aci.net/kalliste/
<A HREF="http://www.aci.net/kalliste/">The Home Page of J. Orlin Grabbe</A>
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Today's Lesson From Balzac: a Biography

by Graham Robb


While the Government troops were quelling the riot in Paris, Balzac left
for Touraine, hoping that his rebellious mind would settle down in
Sache. His mental health had become an object of concern and morbid
amusement to other people, and he wanted to give a 'glorious rebuttal'
to the gossips who said he was sliding into madness. The rebuttal was to
take the form of a novel eventually entitled Louis Lambert: it tells the
story of a genius who transcends the normal plane of reality and goes
spectacularly insane. It was typical of Balzac to douse a fire with
petrol. Ignoring his own precept that to serve up one's life to the
public was proof of a weak imagination and worse than prostitution, he
poured his own minutely remembered childhood into the novel: the College
de Vendome, its quirky assortment of teachers, its monastic regime, its
pigeons, its smell, his fellow suffers. The narrator, who identifies
himself as the author of La Peau de Chagrin, is supposed to be the best
friend of the ill-fated boy genius, Lambert. Balzac must have believed
he was dispelling the rumours. In the manuscript, he refers to his own
undignified departure from Vendome: "My parents, alarmed at my mental
state . . . removed me from the school and sent me to Paris." The
allusion to his mysterious breakdown was wisely modified; and yet the
novel itself, ending as it does with the orphic utterances of a man in a
cataleptic trance--the "Thoughts" of Louis Lambert--was unlikely to be
read as the work of an entirely rational being. No great critical acumen
was required to see the narrator and the lunatic as two parts of the
same personality. Once again, Balzac's writing was working out its own
plans in defiance of the author.
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Russian Follies

Islamic Rebels Challenge Russia in Dagestan

The Russia empire continues to crack

FOUR Russian paratroopers were killed and 13 wounded in a seven-hour
clash with Islamic rebels early yesterday in Russia's troubled region of
Dagestan.
The Kremlin is facing the biggest challenge to its authority over the
Caucasus Mountains since the ill-fated Chechnya war. It also fears the
trouble could rapidly spread to neighbouring republics, threatening the
unity of the Russian federation.

Reinforcements, including elite riot troop units and engineering
brigades backed by helicopter gunships, are continuing to pour into
Dagestan, prompting Russian newspapers to suggest that the federal
forces are gearing up for protracted, large-scale combat.

Russian military commanders have said they need up to two weeks to drive
out the Islamic rebels from the predominantly Muslim region on the
Caspian Sea, but military and political observers point to the Russians'
failure to re-establish control over Chechnya after a two-year war that
ended in abject failure in 1996.

Vladimir Putin, nominated by President Yeltsin as Russia's new Prime
Minister, has said that the campaign could be carried into Chechnya,
from where the rebels are believed to have penetrated into Dagestan
eight days ago. It was the strongest indication yet that the uprising in
Dagestan could lead to a wider war, including a fresh invasion of
Chechnya.

Many of the rebels belong to the fundamentalist Wahhabi sect and are
seeking an independent Islamic republic in the mainly Muslim regions of
the Caucasus Mountains. Russia is planning a large-scale operation in
Dagestan today, said Vyacheslav Ovchinnikov, the commander-in-chief of
the Russian Interior Ministry troops.

Its success could be critical to the fate, not just of a few remote
mountain passes but of the whole North Caucasus. The tenacity with which
the rebels have defended the territory under their control and their
brazen declaration of independence have confronted the Kremlin with the
threat of a "domino effect" expelling Moscow from its own backyard.

If unchecked, the contagion will spread from the hills of Dagestan down
into the valleys and towards the Caspian Sea and, in the other
direction, deep into the Caucasus's interior and up into the Russian
heartland. Already, after only a week of combat, images of the battle
currently raging in Dagestan bear an uncanny resemblance to those of the
Russian military's worst ever humiliation and agony in Chechnya.

Bearded rebels pose nonchalantly for the cameras in newly occupied
villages, mocking Moscow's predictions of imminent and devastating
victory over the enemy. Helicopter gunships and aircraft blast guerrilla
positions with rockets that leave a trail of flames in the sky.

A rabble-like force of Russian soldiers tries to negotiate mountain
passes in armoured personnel carriers, sitting targets for the rebels.
The most shocking images are of a Russian helicopter in flames at an
airbase minutes after being hit by guerrilla fire, a passenger, possibly
one of three generals on board at the time of the attack, fleeing the
scene, a human torch.

Even the rebel commanders are familiar faces from the Chechen war. Then
they were unknown figures. More recently, thanks to daring terrorist
operations deep behind Russian lines, they are world-famous. Mr Putin,
when asked on Friday about the role of Shamil Basayev, the Chechen
warlord, in the events in Dagestan: "I don't know that surname, I don't
want to talk about this."

In fact, as the head of Russia's domestic intelligence service until
last Monday, Mr Putin knows only too well what Mr Basayev and his
comrade, the Jordanian-born Khattab, are capable of. Taking their
inspiration from Mr Basayev's namesake, the legendary 19th-century
Caucasus leader Imam Shamil, they seem resolved to win back what their
ancestor eventually lost - freedom from Russia.

Imam Shamil united the tribes of Chechnya and Dagestan into one fighting
force under the banner of Islam and defied the Tsar's armies and their
brutal tactics for more than 30 years. In the past few years the rebels
have already destabilised Dagestan, a republic within the Russian
Federation roughly the size of Scotland and much more mountainous. Now
they want to establish their own rule and kick out the Russians.

For Moscow, losing Dagestan, which hugs the coast of the oil-rich
Caspian Sea and extends north around ethnically Russian regions such as
Stavropol, would be even more disastrous than its defeat in Chechnya.
The domino effect could remove from Moscow's control other parts of the
volatile North Caucasus such as Ingushetia and North Ossetia, where
radical Islam and bandit armies are also in the ascendant.

Chechnya's neighbours have sounded the alarm about the danger of the
chaos spreading, among them Gen Ruslan Aushev, the president of
Ingushetia and an Afghan veteran who has criticised the Russian
military's tactics in Dagestan. He said: "I have fought in the mountains
and know what it's like. The troops will just be hanging about and going
to seed while being pounded, bombarded and nibbled at the whole time."

The Russian General Staff is making mistakes as if the bloodbath in
Chechnya, where raw conscripts were thrown straight into battle and
tanks trapped by rubble were picked off in ruined streets, had never
happened. The top brass seems reluctant to send infantry into the
mountains to take on the rebels, preferring to use slow-moving armour
and summoning a motley collection of specialist police units from all
over the country.

The only reason the guerrillas have still not been defeated, complained
Mr Putin, is their refusal to venture out of the woods and fight like
real soldiers.

The London Telegraph, August 15, 1999


Internet Stocks

Internet Stocks Down 40 Percent Since April

The laws of levity set up the punch line

DO THE laws of gravity apply in cyberspace? Certainly the prices of
shares in Internet companies that earlier this year soared into the
stratosphere have since fallen sharply, if not yet all the way to earth.
This week the Goldman Sachs Internet-share index was down by more than
40% from its peak in April—back where it stood at the start of this
year. So, rest in peace, Bubble.com?
Not necessarily. Most of the cheer-leaders for Internet shares remain
bullish on the long-term prospects for well-known firms, such as Amazon
and eBay. They insist that following the euphoria that gripped the
market between last October and April (when, on average, Internet
share-prices nearly doubled), a pause for breath was always on the
cards.

Some actually predicted it, and took their own advice. Alberto Vilar,
who runs the Amerindo technology fund, forecast in April that Internet
share prices would tumble by up to 50% over the following six months,
and sold a lot of shares accordingly. Despite the recent drop in share
prices, the value of his fund has still risen by nearly 100% this year,
following an 85% increase in 1998. “Sharp temporary corrections in share
prices are a normal part of technology investing,” says the untroubled
Mr Vilar. He concedes that it is possible that prices will fall a little
further, but he is now buying again, expecting the whole Internet-share
sector soon to move sharply up, while some of the best-known shares will
go to “vastly new highs”.

Equally sanguine are the best-known Internet analysts. Henry Blodget, of
Merrill Lynch, puts the recent decline down to the rise in interest
rates last month. That, and the prospect of further rate increases to
come, have spooked the entire stockmarket. He also concedes that there
has been some disappointing news about Internet firms. Take Amazon, for
instance: its revenue growth has slowed down, its revenue per customer
has fallen, and its cost of acquiring new customers has risen. But he
thinks the news will improve later this year, and share prices will rise
again. Moreover, most institutional investors are “underweight” in the
Internet sector, and many are ready to pile in once prices seem to have
bottomed out.

All of this may be enough to give another euphoric puff to
Internet-share prices. But it does not make those prices any less
irrational. It remains true that nobody has a clear idea of how to value
Internet companies—and that most analysts rely on shamelessly optimistic
scenarios. For example, Mr Blodget reckons Amazon, with its $15
billion-or-so market capitalisation, is cheap because one day it will
have a 30% share of what will be a $230 billion-a-year online-retailing
market. Assume a 5% profit margin and a ratio of share price to earnings
of 40, and the firm should have a market cap of $150 billion, he says.
Trouble is, it is just as plausible to assume a 10% share of a $150
billion market (or worse), and a p/e ratio of 15. That would imply a
market cap of only $11 billion. Reality check: in the first quarter of
this year, Amazon’s actual revenues were $293m, and it made a $62m loss.


The Internet is clearly changing the way the world works. Doubtless,
some Internet shares will turn out to be bargains. It is sad but true,
however, that during past technological revolutions few of the companies
that pioneered the change proved to be good long-term investments.
Others reaped the financial rewards. Nowadays, big, established
companies such as General Electric, General Motors and Merrill Lynch
have become zealous Internet converts. That means that prospects for
most of the online upstarts are actually worsening by the day.
Bubble.com may stay in business for a while yet, but even bubbles feel
the tug of gravity.

The Economist, August 13-20, 1999
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Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris

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