-Caveat Lector-

Boston Globe
The cult of war
By James Carroll, 09/14/99
Former Senator John Danforth, defining the purpose of his Waco
investigation, distinguishes between bad judgments and bad actions. Only
the latter, he says, are his concern. Danforth's wish to limit the scope
of an investigation is welcome, but the distinction seems all too
facile. When bad judgment infects a government as powerful as ours, bad
actions can be inevitable. Waco is one example, and the disaster
unfolding in East Timor is another. A similar failure of judgment in
action underlies them both.
The government's mistake at Waco transcends, but is related to, the
issues of whether ''military style'' flammable tear-gas canisters were
fired at the Branch Davidian compound and whether that fact was covered
up by the FBI. The profound act of bad judgment that led to those
alleged bad actions was the prior decision to militarize government
curtailment of the Koresh commune in the first place. Once a siege was
set with the massing of fatigue-clad agents, on-scene advisers from an
elite military commando unit, buzzing helicopters, armed vehicles, and a
tank, what should have been a civilian law enforcement operation morphed
into an instance of martial law.
The initial purpose behind this show of ''overwhelming force,'' to use
the phrase made famous by Colin Powell, may have been to intimidate
David Koresh, but it was the mind-set of the federal agents that seems
to have been most powerfully influenced by the staging of the siege.
They stopped thinking like civilian law officers, whose purpose is to
maintain order with a minimal use of force, and began thinking like
soldiers who, once in combat, do whatever it takes to win. Once the
martial drumbeat began, negotiators' efforts at persuasion had to seem
untrustworthy to the besieged and all too soft to the besiegers.
Soldiers know, perhaps better than police, that the law of critical mass
applies to the mustering of arms: Once an overwhelming force is fully
deployed, it carries its own momentum to be used, whether wisely or not.
By the time Janet Reno was presented with the decision of whether to
attack the Davidians, the pressures to do so were probably irresistible.
As Colin Powell would be the first to say, don't set a siege unless you
want a battle.
A democratic society necessarily distinguishes between police and
military functions precisely because in conditions of war, regard for
civil liberties is an inevitable first casualty. Another is the
principle of accountability to those outside the body of war makers. The
Waco case, with the FBI behaving like an army at war both during the
siege and in subsequent investigations, seems to have involved both
abuses.
When law enforcement becomes defined as war, as in the war on drugs;
when police departments assemble arsenals appropriate to heavy combat;
when traditional blue uniforms are commonly traded in for fatigues and
jack-boots; when cops become commandos, an ultimate and prior bad
judgment can lead increasingly to the bad action of government violence.
The militarization of law enforcement, from federal to local levels, has
infected this country like a virus. Waco is not the disease but a
symptom.
Even more disastrous has been the militarization of American foreign
policy, and the most egregious example of this has long been Indonesia.
During the Cold War, US policy makers turned a blind eye to the
diabolical character of the Suharto regime and instead armed it to the
teeth for strategic but also economic reasons. For more than a
generation, the American arms industry made a fortune off Suharto. When
his army seized East Timor in 1975, launching a war in which a third of
its population died, we ignored it for the sake of our larger purposes -
stopping Communism and fueling the arms race. But by the time we stopped
Communism, the momentum of militarization continued, both in Jakarta,
where, though Suharto fell, the army did not, and in Washington, where
the Pentagon continued to favor the warlords. ''Pentagon reluctant to
isolate Indonesia'' read a Globe headline a few days ago. Even this
week, Defense Department officials opposed the military aid cutoff
ordered by President Clinton, a belated but proper effort to influence
events in East Timor. Now the ''bad actions'' of Indonesia's criminal
military are on display for all to see, but they flow from a prior act
of American bad judgment, the creation and on-going support of an
Indonesian military whose overwhelming force has been directed only at
domestic opposition or the illegally occupied East Timorese. The monster
at large in East Timor this week was born in the United States.
America must wake up to what it has become. We replaced our Cold War
mortal enemy with ourselves. We are enthralled with the ethos of
weaponry at every level in our culture. We define power through
gunsights - children do it on city streets, but so do the occupants of
paneled rooms in Washington. There is no moral difference between
profiteers who trade in cheap handguns and those who sell high-tech
gunships in the developing world. In Waco the American cult of war
collided with a cult of false religion, and innocents died. In East
Timor, the cult of war reveals itself at its most extreme, and innocents
die, in part and again, because of us. At home and across the world,
history cries out to the United States of America to change. James
Carroll's column appears regularly in the Globe.

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