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November 24, 1999
The Last Noble Cause: Euroscepticism and the Battle for Britain

A HIGHER STATE
Imagine, if you will, an anti-interventionist movement that has mobilised
millions of people to vote and has in its ranks thousands of dedicated
activists. Not only that but the electorate is aware of its main grievance and
is overwhelmingly backing its stance. Its enemies are in disarray and it has
captured the main opposition party. But the reason why Euroscepticism in
Britain is so vibrant is not that the British are especially sensible, but that
they are especially threatened. The battle for Britain is being fought, and it
could yet be lost.

THE FIFTH REICH
Europe is becoming a state and little will stop it. The citizens of the
undemocratic continental countries welcome it, apart from grumbling from
protectionist Frenchmen and currency proud Germans. Some countries have no wish
to be invaded, like France and view trading sovereignty as preferable to
surrendering it. Other nations, like the Germans, that have no wish to see
their country plumb depths of human evil as they did in the Holocaust. Yet
more, like the Italians have thoroughly lost confidence in their governing
classes. The British (or increasingly the English) are different. We have not
been invaded, our Empire was not angelic but neither was it evil, and our
governing class is more incompetent than corrupt (with the exception of Mr.
Blair and his coterie). We simply do not need a new currency, army or body of
law; and most of us do not want it imposed by weak or corrupt neighbours.

TWO VOTES
There are two crucial elections for Britain’s relationship with Europe, one in
the past and one in the future. In the past there were the European Election of
June this year, where the unpopular Conservative opposition scored a surprising
victory on a Eurosceptic agenda and Labour went down to its worst electoral
defeat for fifteen years. At the same time the single issue United Kingdom
Independence Party (UKIP) got three seats out of seventy-five. This was a
serious blow to the federating agenda. The vote to come is the vote on Economic
and Monetary Union (E&MU) where the British people will be asked to decide
whether or not they want to give up the pound. Except they probably won’t. The
polls are firmly against E&MU that it looks like any vote is going to go
against it, despite seemingly endless Government propaganda. The Eurosceptics
have found the money and allies in the media that they simply did not have in
1975 when they lost the vote on whether or not to join the European Union. My
(admittedly unreliable) sources in the Blair camp say that he has given up on
winning a straight vote on E&MU, and has accepted he can’t realistically rig
the vote. There are two alternatives open, to completely give up on a vote and
leave the Conservatives bereft of their main issue, or to give the British a
vote on their very membership of the EU, which the British are still for. The
prize is now wide open for the Eurosceptics, for by accident Mr. Blair may take
us out of the European Union, then he would have an honoured place in the
history books.

THE MINUTEMAN SQUABBLE
Obviously when good men see a cause that threatens their independence, nay
their very way of life, they stand shoulder to shoulder to stop the coming
onslaught. You believed that? What were you doing in history class? The fact is
that like all good and noble causes the Eurosceptics are squabbling like little
children, which is the best way. Most British people are not settled in their
Euroscepticism. Some people just oppose further federating moves such as the
Single Currency. Other British people dislike what Europe has done to their
livelihood or hobby. Yet more want Britain to grab back powers that they have
already given, and some (like myself) see that there is no way out of European
federalism, except for withdrawal from the European Union. There are so many
groups that there is even dispute as to who the coordinating body is, is it the
Congress for Democracy or the Anti-Maastricht alliance. The fact is that the
sheer numbers of Eurosceptic groups means that there is something for almost
anybody, left, right or center; tepid sceptic to outright unilateralist.
Moreover, if you find no group that suits your taste, you can form a new one.
It is politics for the Internet generation.

THE MAINFRAME GENERATION
Now I must turn to the belly of the beast. I really do not want to but I must
let you see the opposition. Unlike the vibrant and bewildering variety of the
Eurosceptics, the pro-Europeans present a united, disciplined and lifeless
front. The European Movement (EM), a group actually funded by the European
Union, is the heart of the Euroctopus and nothing moves without its permission.
The sad spectacle of the Pro-Euro Conservative Party, which attempted to
destabilise the moderately Eurosceptic leadership of the Conservative Party, is
a case in point. It was totally staffed and mainly funded by the European
Movement. It went down to humiliating defeat in the European elections, failing
to gain any seats and seeing the real Conservative Party go to its first
nationwide victory in seven years. There has been a similar disaster with the
launch of its cross party organization Britain in Europe, which, due to the
electoral prerogatives of Tony Blair had to change its stance from being pro-
Euro to being pro-EU. The fact is that the pro-Europeans are too closely
connected to one another and too dependent on government and EU money to be
able to win an election on their own. They will need a very uneven playing
field to win.

VAGUE HOPES
Any success for the Eurosceptic cause is going to hinge on the position of the
Conservative Party. Many Eurosceptics hate this, as like the Republicans the
Conservatives are a party obsessed by power with a passing interest in
principles. But in the end the Conservatives have the organization, the "brand
loyalty" of voters and a set of rather good and ruthless politicians. In any
coming referendum the reach of the Conservative Party will be vital for any
"No" vote. And luckily things have drastically improved in the recent past. The
previous leader of the party, John Major, was convinced of the inevitability of
further EU integration, although worried about the effect that public admission
of this would have on his fractured party. He was responsible for Britain
signing the federating Maastricht treaty. His successor William Hague is
altogether more sceptic on the European question, who has skillfully
marginalised the Federalist rump within the party. He has always condemned
calls for withdrawal as "extreme", but unlike Mr. Blair or Mr. Major he refuses
to doubt the sanity of the withdrawers, possibly bringing to mind Barry
Goldwater’s dictum "extremism in the cause of liberty is no vice." It will be
of crucial importance where the Conservative Party falls in a referendum on
membership of the EU, and unfortunately there is a long way to go before the
Conservatives can feel confident of withdrawal, although they seem willing to
toy with something close to it. But the membership is more Eurosceptic than the
leadership and they are starting to flex their muscles so perhaps there is a
glimmer of hope.

THE WILDERNESS WARRIORS
The brightest star in the Eurosceptic firmament is the United Kingdom
Independence Party. Although they call themselves a party and stand for
election they are in reality a single-issue pressure group. Their aim is to
make withdrawal from the European Union a respectable cause. With three Members
of the European Parliament from the last election they are starting to have a
healthily bracing effect on official conservative policy. Although going
through a bitter feud at the moment they are definitely the party to watch.

MODERATE VIRTUES
The crushing advantage of the Eurosceptic movement is the ability to set up
backbiting and jealous grouplets who can occupy tiny territories in the public
debate. A territory that needs to be occupied are the genuinely undecided, who
are pro-EU but unsure about further federation, at least for now. New Europe
founded by Lord Owen (joint author of the failed Vance-Owen plan) appeals to
these undecided types. Its argument is that we must stay within the EU, but
further federating moves such as Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), should be
dealt with cautiously. It has a number of retired politicians who have harmed
their career through support of the EU, David Owen left the Labour Party for
example because of its commitment to withdraw from the EU during the party’s
quasi-Marxist stage in the 1980s. The message is clear, it is perfectly
possible to be wary of a single currency and be neither a Tory nor a
withdrawer. New European’s sister organization, Business for Sterling, aims for
a similar constituency, those who want to keep the pound, but who are worried
about the consequences. It also fulfills the useful function of being a group
of fairly senior big businessmen, who are against the Euro, one of the myths of
the EU is that big business always wants greater integration, not always it
seems.

SPOILT FOR CHOICE
The range of the change to EU life is staggering, not just involving
surrendering economic policy to a foreign central bank, it affects the law, the
armed forces and the very political culture of Britain itself. The fact is that
no one group can agree on what is the most important issue, what is the
appropriate response to the EU and which are the important constituencies to
organize. There are consequently a wide variety of pressure groups; this will
give you some idea:
The mass membership Democracy Movement
The pro-withdrawal Campaign for an Independent Britain
The left-wing, trade union oriented Campaign Against Euro-Federalism
The intellectual Bruges Group and European Foundation
The economists in Euro-Know and Global Britain
There are many more groups, which I cannot really do justice to here, but the
pro-independence movement is far more vibrant than its opponents, even if
bewilderingly so.

BEWARE OF THE SMEARS
The Nazi antecedents of European Federalism are fairly well established; the
first prominent British political leader to call for European Federalism was
Sir Oswald Moseley, the fascist leader. This does not stop the intellectual
heirs of Hitler and Mussolini attempting to smear the present Eurosceptic
movement. The pro-Europeans will try to find racist links, and racists will try
to infiltrate the Eurosceptic movement, but they will be living a lie. One of
the few things that can be predicted with any certainty over the next few years
is that the fascist smear will be used. Do not believe it when you hear it.

WHY EUROPE MATTERS
The European Union matters for a number of reasons. One is that its increasing
ambitions are going to lead to American involvement in more Kosovos than you
ever fought possible. Another problem is that it is in its basic form highly
critical of "Anglo-Saxon" norms, and so while begging with one hand may be
beating America with the other. But the most important point is that it gives
hope to Internationalists everywhere. One of our most potent arguments is that
"Internationalism has never worked when it’s been tried". Europe will work, but
very badly. It is imperative that all Americans who oppose needless
international involvement know just how bad Europe works, and how tyrannical it
is becoming. Remember it will be the model for America when your time comes.

Text-only printable version of this article
Emmanuel Goldstein is the pseudonym of a political drifter on the fringes of
English classical liberal and Euro-sceptic activity. He is a former member of
the Labour Party, who knows Blair and some of his closest buddies better than
they realise, yet. He has a challenging job in the real world, working for a
profit-making private company and not sponging off the taxpayer in politics,
journalism or the civil service. "Airstrip One," appears Wednesdays at
Antiwar.com.
Archived Columns
The Last Noble Cause: Euroscepticism and the Battle for Britain
11/24/99
Tony Blair: The Future’s Blight
11/17/99
Why the Second World War will always be popular in Britain
11/10/99
A Peace of Paper
11/3/99
The Old Fight of New Labour
10/21/99

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