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The Warburgs: The Twentieth-Century Odyssey of a Remarkable Jewish Family, by
Ron Chernow. New York: Random House, 1993. Hardcover. 820 pages. Photographs.
Bibliography. Reference notes. Index.


Reviewed by John Weir

Ron Chernow has written a detailed and sometimes tedious history of one of
the world's most prominent international banking families. While he began
this as an independent work, Chernow eventually received extensive help from
members of the German-American Warburg clan. "I am humbled by the courtesy
and generosity shown by the Warburg family," he writes in the acknowledgments
section, "and hope that my book repays their efforts." So sympathetic is
Chernow's portrayal that it can rightly be regarded as an authorized version
of events.

While it also contains a lot of material I consider superfluous, this is not
to say that The Warburgs isn't worth reading. Chernow provides insight into
how Jewish patricians operate in society, and how their roles changed during
the turbulent twentieth century.

Yet when addressing critically important events, Chernow's explanations are
sometimes less than satisfying. Consider, for instance, his fuzzy explanation
of Paul Warburg's crucial role in establishing the Federal Reserve Bank.

Intimately acquainted with European central banks, especially the Reichsbank,
Paul didn't claim to originate new banking principles so much as import
European practices. As with Max [Paul's older brother] in Hamburg, Paul
meshed spectacularly with his historical moment. Once again, a Warburg
succeeded because of his contradictory status. As a Jew in a gentile world, a
German immigrant confronting a new country, Paul was able to spot flaws in
American finance to which native bankers had been blinded by familiarity.

Along with many other bankers, Chernow explains, Paul Warburg was unhappy
with the risk inherent in America's decentralized banking system. The central
bank he envisioned for the United States would insure against future "panics"
and do away with much of the risk of banking. To this end, he played a key
but secretive role in this project:

In November 1910, [Senator] Aldrich [of Rhode Island], Paul [Warburg], and
four other experts sneaked off to discuss bank reform at a secret hideaway on
Jekyll Island off the Georgia coast. With Democrats now in control of
Congress and Progressives railing against Wall Street, the bankers had to
travel incognito, lest they be accused of hatching a cabal.

As part of the elaborate charade, the conference participants pretended to be
sportsmen, outfitting themselves as duck hunters.

What Chernow does not adequately explain is why such secrecy was necessary if
a central bank was really such a great idea. We are told, in effect, that
Warburg and others hatched a cabal to avoid being accused of hatching a cabal.

Because it was the product of a furtive conclave, and secrecy still surrounds
many central bank decision-making activities, it is hardly surprising that
there are so many dark suspicions and "banking conspiracy" theories involving
the Federal Reserve Bank.

According to Chernow, Paul Warburg was the only person in America who
understood how a central bank works. In 1912 and 1913, he drew up the basic
plan for the Federal Reserve banking system, and he drafted the Federal
Reserve Act. In December 1913 President Wilson signed the Act establishing
the new central bank. If anyone can be called the father of the Federal
Reserve Bank, the New York Times has rightly noted, it is Paul Warburg.

The new central bank's board of governors -- which for several years included
Paul Warburg -- became top-heavy with political appointees whose policy of
loose credit set the stage for the Great Depression. America's economic
collapse of the 1930s can be traced to the Federal Reserve's operation by
incompetents and self-serving hacks.

Back in Germany
While Paul Warburg was making America safer for financiers, his older
brother, Max, was busy in Hamburg helping finance construction of Germany's
new merchant fleet through the HAPAG company. Because the Warburg family
fortune was built on financing international trade, Max Warburg naturally
sought to encourage the growth of such trade. For the same reasons,
international bankers encouraged the removal of tariffs and other trade
barriers.

The HAPAG company -- headed by another German Jew, Albert Ballin -- played a
major role in building Germany's mighty merchant and military fleets. Britain
regarded the German challenge as a grave threat to its naval hegemony, and it
was this rivalry that was a major contributing factor to the First World War.
This was not the intent of the participants, of course, just as economic
collapse was not the intent of the Federal Reserve governors. Max Warburg and
Albert Ballin foresaw the catastrophe of world war in Germany's naval
expansion, just as Paul Warburg saw that his creation was pursuing an unsound
monetary policy. In each case, Chernow writes, the Warburgs were unable to
avert disaster.

Max Warburg's meshing with his historical moment cost the Hamburg branch of
the family dearly. The Allied blockade of Germany during the First World War
severely hurt the Warburg family bank, M. M. Warburg and Co. This, along with
the disastrous postwar inflation, nearly ruined the firm, which was saved
only with a large loan from Max's American brothers.

Because Max Warburg was so familiar with international finance, the postwar
"Weimar Republic" government asked him to represent the German Treasury as a
delegate in the war reparations negotiations. However, Max "explained that a
Jew shouldn't undertake the mission, 'for without doubt, if the conditions of
the [Allied] Entente were dreadfully hard ... the consequence would surely be
anti-Semitic attacks'."

He suggested that his legal counsel, another Jew named Carl Melchior, should
instead take the job. Chernow has some difficulty explaining this: "Yet one
wonders whether Max was entirely candid with Schiffer in declining the
finance chairmanship for himself. After all, as a Jew and Warburg partner,
Melchior was no less vulnerable to anti-Semitic smears than Max."

Jews in German Society
Anti-Semitism, or the fear of it, comes up repeatedly in this book an as
explanation for action or inaction on the part of the Warburgs. In spite of
this, though, the Warburg family itself did very well for itself in Germany
until the mid-1930s. Indeed, Germany's Jews generally prospered until the
collapse of the Weimar Republic and the National Socialist coming to power in
1933. During the interwar era, three-quarters of German Jewry was
middle-class or richer. There were no legal barriers to Jewish advancement in
any field, and Jews were rapidly assimilating through intermarriage. In the
year just before Hitler came to power, Chernow reports, more than half of
Jews who married took non-Jewish spouses.

None of this means, of course, that there weren't barriers to social mobility
for Jews. But similar restrictions affected many non-Jews as well. Class
barriers were a major feature of pre-Hitler Germany.

International Network
What is remarkable is not the degree of intolerance, but the extent to which
Jews were tolerated and even encouraged in Germany. Jews were permitted to
wield tremendous power and influence even though so many of them -- with the
Warburgs at the forefront -- were part of a mighty, supra-national Jewish
network that was dedicated above all to its own particular interests.

Members of this international Jewish elite cemented its ties through
marriage. For example, Felix Warburg married Frieda Schiff, daughter of
probably the most powerful Jew in America, the German-born Jacob Schiff.
Felix's brother Paul married Nina Loeb, daughter of another prominent Jewish
banker, Solomon Loeb.

An international network of Jewish organizations and charities devoted to the
well-being of Jewish communities around the world operated as a shadow
government for this scattered, stateless population. As leading members of
the "Jewish royalty," the Warburgs played an important role in resettling
hundreds of thousands of Russian and eastern European Jews in the United
States during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, underwriting the
development of a Jewish cultural center in Palestine, and other projects.
They also played an major role in domestic and international politics. During
the Russo-Japanese war (1904-1905), Felix Warburg's father-in-law, Jacob
Schiff, a fierce enemy of Tsarist Russia, helped finance the Japanese war
effort. Driven by intense hatred of Russia's conservative, anti-Jewish
government, Schiff kept Russia from obtaining Wall Street financing prior to
the overthrow of the Tsarist regime and American entry into World War I.

A little-known but very ambitious Warburg project between the wars was the
"Agro-Joint." Established in 1924 and financed by Felix Warburg, Julius
Rosenwald (of Sears, Roebuck), and John D. Rockefeller, Jr., the "American
Jewish Joint Agricultural Corporation" funnelled millions of dollars into
Soviet Russia to transplant hundreds of thousands of Jews to 215 farming
colonies on two and a half million acres. "Agro-Joint" money purchased land,
livestock, agricultural machinery and more than a thousand tractors. Four
hundred trade schools were established to train Jews in metal, woodworking,
printing and other skills. (Regrettably, Chernow provides little information
about the Soviet officials who dealt with the Warburgs in this venture.)

In 1927 Felix Warburg toured the Soviet republic, visiting 40 of the Jewish
agricultural colonies in Ukraine and Crimea (including two named after him).
At meetings in their community halls, an elated and inspired Warburg praised
the colonists and their pioneering work. Back in United States, he responded
to critics with a vigorous defense of the Communist regime. Felix Warburg
was, writes Chernow, "quick to note that the Soviet government was improving
the economic lot of the Jews."

The utopian scheme lasted until 1937 when the Soviets double-crossed the
American capitalists and absorbed the Jewish colonies into local Soviet
agencies. The last "Agro-Joint" assets were transferred to the Soviet
government in 1940.

This channeling of money to Soviet Russia greatly upset Zionist leaders such
as Stephen Wise and Chaim Weizmann, who grumbled that the millions should
have been directed instead to building a Jewish presence in Palestine.
Weizmann worked very hard to win Warburg family support for the establishment
of a Jewish state there. The Warburgs were skeptical of Zionism, though,
fearing that a Jewish state would supplant the traditional organizations,
which they headed, as the nexus of Jewish political power. To reassure the
reluctant Warburgs, Weizmann told them that the term "Jewish state" was only
meant metaphorically.

Hitler Comes to Power
Back in Hamburg, Max Warburg was even less impressed than his American
relations with Weizmann's efforts. Regarding himself as a German patriot, he
felt that Germany's Jews should stay put, even though World War I had
crippled his business and the ascension of the National Socialist party was
driving away many of his clients. As the secular head of German Jewry (he
once referred to himself as the "god" of the Jews) much of his social status
would be lost if the Jews emigrated.

Even the Warburgs were not entirely immune from the infectious enthusiasm of
Hitler's movement. In 1930 Siegmund Warburg told his cousin Karl that, the
anti-Semitism aside, he saw some redeeming qualities in the National
Socialist cause. "The Nazis are doubtless in part dreadfully primitive in
human and political terms," he wrote in a letter. "On the other hand, one
finds among a large part of them valuable, typically German strengths, which
are indeed incredible in a political connection, but show strong feeling for
social and national duties ..."

When Hitler came to power in January 1933, Max Warburg was Germany's most
prominent Jewish banker. He headed the most important private banking firm,
and was a member of the "general council" of the nation's central bank. In
March 1933 he approved Hitler's decision to name Dr. Hjalmar Schacht as
president of the Reichsbank. The document naming Schacht to this post is
signed by Chancellor Hitler and President von Hindenburg as well as the eight
members of the Reichsbank "general council," including the Jews Mendelssohn,
Wassermann and Warburg.

Schacht's skill during the 1920s in curing runaway inflation and getting the
German economy back on an even keel earned him world renown as a financial
wizard. A conservative, old-school banker, he never joined the National
Socialist party. (Tried by the Nuremberg Tribunal as a "major war criminal,"
he was acquitted.)

At a meeting in July 1934, Hitler asked Schacht if he would also head up the
German Economics Ministry. "Before I take office I should like to know how
you wish me to deal with the Jewish question?," Schacht asked. "In economic
matters, the Jews can carry on exactly as they have done up to now," replied
Hitler. And so it was -- at least for a few years.

In 1936, for example (three years after Hitler took power), the M. M. Warburg
bank in Hamburg was still profitable. Among other lucrative connections, it
was still disbursing interest payments to bondholders for the giant Friedrich
Krupp company of Essen. As Siegmund Warburg wrote in July 1936: "M. M. W. and
Co. are still remarkably untouched by the Nazi situation and the business is
doing well." Even in 1938, notes Chernow, the Warburg bank was turning a
profit.

Max Warburg opposed the international Jewish boycott of German goods,
particularly because his bank derived most of its income from international
trade. Regrettably, Chernow fails to name the Jews behind this anti-German
campaign, nor does he mention that the infamous 1933 Nazi boycott of Jewish
businesses was a limited, one-day response to the sustained worldwide Jewish
boycott against Germany.

M.M. Warburg and Co. played an important role in facilitating the "Ha'avara"
or "transfer" agreement. Through this remarkable arrangement, concluded in
1933 between Hitler's government and the Zionist leadership, property of Jews
emigrating to Palestine was used to purchase German-made goods, which were
shipped to Palestine and sold there. Money from the sale of these goods went
to the migrating Jews. About ten percent of German Jewry emigrated through
the "Ha'avara" deal, which benefited Jewish emigrants, helped overcome the
anti-German boycott, and immensely strengthened the Zionist community in
Palestine. Moreover, it enriched Max Warburg's bank, which served as conduit
for three-fourths of "Ha'avara" funds. [See "Zionism and the Third Reich" in
the July-August 1993 Journal.]

Until 1938, Max Warburg benefited from his cordial personal relationship with
Dr. Schacht. But as Schacht's influence with Hitler waned, so did Warburg's
position in German business. As German corporations were "Aryanized," Warburg
was forced to substitute a trusted non-Jewish company employee for himself on
the hundred or so corporate boards on which he held a seat.

When the Warburg bank itself was Aryanized in May 1938, an era that began in
1798 came to an end. The firm was turned over to a non-Jewish employee,
Rudolf Brinckmann, and Max Warburg left his Hamburg office for the last time.
(A short while later he left Germany forever, dying in 1946 in the United
States.) The firm's traditional name lingered until 1941, when it was changed
to Brinckmann, Wirtz and Co.

Survivors
At least two family members remained in Germany throughout the Third Reich
era. Marietta Warburg lived unmolested and in relative comfort in a suburb of
Hamburg with her non-Jewish (and anti-Nazi) husband. "There were many such
cases of Jews who eked out a subterranean life in Germany during the war,"
comments Chernow. (In Hamburg alone, for example, 600 Jews survived the war
years, "mostly those in mixed marriages.")

More remarkable is the case of Otto Warburg, who was awarded a Nobel Prize in
1931 for physiology and medicine. In spite of his Jewish ancestry and
outspoken hostility to the Hitler regime, he was permitted to continue his
work at the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute in Berlin. Because of his Jewish
ancestry, in 1941 he briefly lost his post at the Institute, "but a few weeks
later received a personal order from Hitler's Chancellery to resume work on
his cancer research." Otto Warburg's decision to collaborate with the regime,
writes Chernow, "incensed colleagues outside Germany." The scientist
"justified his decision to stay in Nazi Germany by claiming that he was
performing extremely important cancer research that would save lives and that
he couldn't transfer his research operation abroad."

After the War
On this side of the Atlantic, Max's son, Eric, played an important role in
the American military. After joining the Army, Eric quickly became a Lt.
Colonel. Upon spotting a map showing the dismemberment of Germany into
occupation zones, he argued successfully to have his native Hamburg
transferred from the Soviet zone to the British zone. When Hermann G�ring was
captured in May 1945, the critical task of interrogating the Reichsmarshall
fell to Eric Warburg.

"G�ring's economic bureaucracy had spearheaded the Aryanization of M. M.
Warburg, and now fate, with a commendably poetic sense of style, created a
fine opportunity for revenge," comments Chernow. "Eric would call it 'the
grand finale' of his wartime work."

Upon defeated Germany the Americans imposed a version of the draconian
"Morgenthau plan," which kept the economy in ruins for several years. In
Hamburg (where 118,000 people had perished in Allied bombing raids) people
wandered the ruins of what had been one of Europe's proudest and most
magnificent cities. Food rations in occupied Hamburg dwindled to one thousand
calories per person per day. As part of the occupation program, the Allies
set about dismantling what was left of German industry. In mid-1949
occupation authorities began dynamiting the cement slipways in Hamburg that
had launched the giant HAPAG ocean liners.

Rudolf Brinckmann welcomed Eric back to a shattered Hamburg in 1945, and
offered to hand the destitute banking firm back to the Warburg family. Eric
refused. Following the implementation of drastic monetary reform in 1948, the
German economy -- and Brinckmann, Wirtz and Co. -- revived. With this
turnaround, both Brinckmann and Warburg changed their minds about
transferring control of the bank.

What followed was a decades-long battle between Brinckmann and Warburg for
control of the firm. It ended in 1989 when the Brinckmann family withdrew,
and two years later the firm's name was changed back to M. M. Warburg and Co.
By this time both Rudolf Brinckmann and Eric Warburg were dead. (Eric's son,
Max, now heads his grandfather's business.)

This book also covers the lives of many other members of the Warburg clan.
Like other prominent Jewish families, the American Warburgs wielded great
influence not only in domestic and foreign politics, but in cultural life as
well. Feeling alienated from America's WASP establishment and high society,
some Warburg family members sought to displace the seemingly inhospitable
traditional culture.

According to an art historian quoted by Chernow, Eddie Warburg (Felix's son)
and his wealthy Jewish friend Lincoln Kirstein "embraced modernism in part
because, knowing that they were out of the mainstream anyway, they elected to
foster rather than mitigate their sense of difference." Along with Nelson
Rockefeller, Eddie Warburg was the youngest trustee of the new Museum of
Modern Art in New York City. He was also a patron of avant garde sculptor
Gaston Lachaise, and (together with Kirstein) imported "modern" Russian
ballet choreographer George Balanchine to the United States.

All the same, with each new generation the American Warburgs become ever more
assimilated into the country's gentile upper class. This branch of the family
has produced no one of note in the last generation. Jimmy Warburg, who made a
mint off Polaroid, is the last American Warburg to build a fortune of his own.

Money is the engine of art, education and politics, and the philanthropic and
business endeavors of super-wealthy families dramatically affect all three.
International banking depends on international trade, which in turn is
dependent on international policy. Bankers with international ties work to
influence political leaders for the benefit of their business and personal
interests. This detailed history of the Warburg family shows how this
relationship operates to produce both positive and harmful consequences.

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