-Caveat Lector-   <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/">
</A> -Cui Bono?-

>From The NewStatesman
http://www.newstatesman.co.uk/200003060052.htm

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Milosevic: portrait of a tyrant
Dusko Doder and Louise Branson The Free Press, 304pp, �17.99
ISBN 0684843080

Whenever I read denunciations of Slobodan Milosevic, I am forcibly reminded of
the story of Sheikh Haji Mohamed bin Abdullah Hassan, known in British imperial
history as "the mad mullah of Somaliland". First raising the standard of revolt
in 1899, at a time when the British were using the machine-gun to slaughter
untold numbers of Africans in different parts of the continent, the mullah
embarked on an Islamic crusade that kept the British at bay for more than two
decades. He was finally defeated in 1920 by the new imperial weapon of the 20th
century: bombing from the air. But there was nothing "mad" about Sheikh Haji
Mohamed. He was simply an anti-imperial warrior - one among many - who was so
demonised by the British that it became easy to justify the severe punishment
he eventually received.

In January 1920, while the mullah stood in the courtyard of his house in the
Somali town of Medishe, the British pilot of a lone de Havilland two-seater
bomber broke through the clouds and dropped eight 20-pound bombs. The pilot
then photographed and machine-gunned the target he had been given: the mullah's
courtyard. Out of a small group standing beside the Somali leader - his sister,
his uncle and ten riflemen - only the mullah himself survived the attack, with
his white jubbah and green turban much singed; 20 other people were killed in
the bombing of the town, and 20 were wounded.

The mullah took refuge in a bomb-proof cave 15 miles out of town, where he
later died. Sir Geoffrey Archer, the governor of Somaliland, recalled in later
life that, while "surprise attacks without warning" might seem bloodthirsty,
"it must be remembered that the mullah himself was an inhuman creature, a mad
dog, to be exterminated by any means possible".

Those were more colourful times. Today, when journalists and politicians seek
to demonise the leaders of faraway countries, they soon run out of suitable
nouns and adjectives. General Pinochet is usually referred to as "a dictator",
while in a new biography of Milosevic, written by two journalists, the Serb
leader is described as "a tyrant". Dictator is a Latin word whose accepted
definition is rather mild, with hardly a hint of opprobrium; it simply means
"an absolute ruler", someone who might so act "in seasons of emergency".
Tyrant, on the other hand, a word of Greek origin, makes the absolute ruler
sound additionally grim: a tyrant seizes power "without legal right" and
exercises it "in an oppressive, unjust or cruel manner". In the demonising
stakes, Milosevic comes off worse than Pinochet.

No one describes Milosevic as a "mad dog", though some get quite close. Warren
Zimmerman, the former US ambassador in Belgrade, calls him "one of the world's
archcriminals", while the veteran US journalist Georgie Anne Geyer perceives
him as an "evil croupier" playing games. Others have referred to him as "the
butcher of the Balkans" or "Europe's new Hitler". The writer of the blurb for
the new Milosevic biography moves into fresh territory by demonising the
country as well as its leader.

Dusko Doder and Louise Branson, two old Balkan hands, make little effort to dig
beneath the familiar cliches. They perceive Milosevic as "a hated dictator",
"the Saddam Hussein of Europe", and his wife, Mira, appears in her usual
supporting role as "Lady Macbeth". Chapter headings have such titillating
titles as "Faustian bargain" and "The end of the caravan of dreams", and the
writing is never less than breathless. In short, this is a book that does not
go beyond the headlines of a tabloid newspaper or the tittle-tattle of the
diplomatic circuit, so no reasonably assiduous newspaper-reader will gain much
from reading it.

Maybe a biography of Milosevic is not what we need. His life story as told here
is singularly banal, and the gossipy details are largely irrelevant to an
understanding of what has been going on. Publishers clearly believe that
readers cannot take stronger medicine; yet, as we skim the latest reports, it
becomes clear that the biographical approach contributes little to our
understanding of the continuing Balkan tragedy. What becomes obvious from the
portraits of other Serbian politicians that crowd these pages is that
Milosevic's personal contribution to the development of the history of his
country has probably been quite small. If ever someone personified the
collective view of the Serbian political elite, sustained in their actions by
the great mass of the people, Milosevic is that man, and it is this that
provides the source of his power.

What the west needs to understand, and should have learnt from imperial history
long ago, is that other societies and cultures have different interests and
priorities, which they are sometimes prepared to defend to the death. We may
not like their culture, and we may choose to demonise Milosevic, like Sheikh
Haji Mohamed, as a mad dog, in an attempt to justify the criminal bombing of
Serbia, but he is one among many in that particular kennel - dogs we still seem
to be intent on exterminating "by any means possible".

� New Statesman Ltd. 1999 All rights reserved.
The New Statesman is registered as a newspaper in the UK and the USA


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