-Caveat Lector-   <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/">
</A> -Cui Bono?-

March 20, 2000

Rule of Law

Another Clinton Victim: The Integrity of the Federal Courts

By Ronald D. Rotunda, a professor of law at the University of
Illinois.

Justice is supposed to be blind, deciding the law without
favoritism. But there is a gradual accumulation of evidence that
points in a contrary direction -- that when criminal cases
important to President Clinton were assigned and decided in the
federal district court in Washington, D.C., Justice lifted her
blindfold and politics controlled. The cloud of suspicion can be
removed only if the D.C. federal court system and Congress
thoroughly investigate and make public their findings. Let's look
at some of the facts.

When I was a special consultant to Kenneth Starr's Office of
Independent Counsel, the OIC often found its investigation
delayed and disadvantaged by lower-court rulings subsequently
reversed on appeal. When the Department of Justice brought its
campaign-finance prosecutions, it also ran into a series of
adverse rulings, also reversed on appeal. The trial judges who
made a series of errors were all members of "the Magnificent
Seven," a label the Clinton appointees gave themselves (until Mr.
Clinton added an eighth judge in 1998).

Normally, criminal cases are supposed to be assigned randomly.
However, we now know that when criminal prosecutions were brought
against Webster Hubbell and others with close ties to Mr.
Clinton, Chief Judge Norma Holloway Johnson of the U.S. District
Court in Washington, D.C., secretly bypassed the traditional
random assignment system, passed over more experienced judges,
and assigned the cases to the Magnificent Seven. When her
colleagues discovered what she had done, some of them disclosed
this information to the press. In a stunning rebuke, they last
month took away her power to tamper with judicial assignments.
But the damage was already done.

Judge Johnson assigned the Hubbell case to Judge James Robertson.
She assigned to Judge Paul Friedman the campaign-finance case
against Charlie Trie, the campaign-finance case against
Democratic fund-raiser Maria Hsia, and the false-statements case
against Thai lobbyist Pauline Kanchanalak. These
Clinton-appointed judges then issued rulings that crippled the
prosecution; in all these cases, various panels of the D.C.
Circuit reversed. Do you detect a pattern here?

In the case of Ms. Hsia, Judge Johnson asked the Justice
Department to ask her to assign the case to Judge Friedman. Then
she used that request as her justification to make the special
assignment. Some people launder money; others launder requests. I
have never heard before of a judge playing such cat-and-mouse
games in an apparent effort to hide her motives.

Judge Johnson assigned the case against Democratic fund-raiser
Howard Glicken to Judge Henry H. Kennedy Jr., a 1997 Clinton
appointee, claiming that it was "complicated or protracted,"
although Mr. Glicken's lawyer announced, when Mr. Glicken was
charged, that he would plead guilty. She assigned the case
against Miami fund-raiser Mark Jimenez to Judge Emmet G.
Sullivan, a 1994 appointee.

One case in particular stands out, the prosecution of Webster
Hubbell for income tax evasion. Parties not particularly close to
Mr. Hubbell -- but close to the president -- paid Mr. Hubbell
nearly $1 million. In return, Mr. Hubbell, who was in prison at
the time, appeared to do no work. A cynic might call the payments
hush money.

Judge Robertson, who presided over this case, had worked in and
donated money to, President Clinton's 1992 campaign. In the
Hubbell tax-fraud prosecution, Judge Robertson ruled that he
could ignore the ruling of the three-judge panel of the D.C.
Circuit and hold that the OIC did not have jurisdiction to
prosecute Mr. Hubbell and the other defendants, and that it could
not use tax documents subpoenaed from Mr. Hubbell. Judge
Robertson used incendiary language, calling the OIC's tactics
(which other circuits had approved) "scary." The D.C. Circuit
agreed with these other circuits and reversed.

At the time, the OIC did not know that Judge Johnson had
manipulated the assignment to get the case before Judge
Robertson. I went back to the transcripts after this information
became public and saw Judge Robertson's comments in a new light.
The transcript reads as if Judge Robertson had decided that the
case was not going to trial; he just had not decided why.

At the hearing of May 8, 1998, OIC counsel asked Judge Robertson
to set a trial date, which is standard operating procedure. The
judge responded that he normally does that but it would be
"arbitrary" to do so here, "when we're looking at the kinds of
motions that I'm sure are coming." In other words, the judge
refused to set a trial date because of motions not even filed;
that is not standard operating procedure. The OIC attorney
replied that he had already talked to defense counsel and they
were prepared to find a mutually agreeable date, to which Judge
Robertson answered, apparently in surprise: "Oh." He still
refused to set a date.

At the June 2, 1998 hearing, the judge again questioned whether
"it makes sense for us to set a trial date," and he volunteered
that any date will be written "in sand here if there are, heaven
forfend, interlocutory appeals." The defendants are not entitled
to interlocutory appeals but the prosecution is, so once more it
appeared that the judge had already decided that there would be
no trial.

On July 1, three business days after oral argument, Judge
Robertson issued a lengthy written opinion. This is an
extraordinarily brief time in which to formulate a decision and
write it up, unless the judge had made up his mind in advance.

Perhaps it was happenstance that Judge Johnson secretly assigned
the Hubbell case to Judge Robertson, a Clinton appointee. Perhaps
Judge Robertson's statements in the transcript do not indicate
that he, from the very beginning, had prejudged the matter and
decided there would be no trial. But then another eyebrow-raiser
occurred: It was discovered that Clinton-appointed judges on the
D.C. district court were holding monthly caucuses from which
other federal judges were excluded.

Four non-Clinton judges in the D.C. court, appointed by both
Democrats and Republicans, were so upset that they anonymously
told the press they questioned the propriety of these caucuses.
One was quoted as saying: "We all come with political viewpoints
but we try to leave politics behind. Unfortunately, the Clinton
appointees have gone off on their own."

Monica Lewinsky and Linda Tripp have been called victims of the
Clinton presidency. Perhaps the Clinton presidency will claim as
its greatest victim the reputation of the federal courts for
integrity and impartiality.


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             Kadosh, Kadosh, Kadosh, YHVH, TZEVAOT

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       Shalom, A Salaam Aleikum, and to all, A Good Day.
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