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World Socialist Web Site www.wsws.org

Suppressed report raises question of US role in Rwandan civil war
By Linda Slattery
23 March 2000
The Toronto National Post has revealed new facts concerning the 1994
genocide of the Tutsis in Rwanda, indicating possible US involvement
in
precipitating the civil war.
The paper has obtained documents dated August 1, 1997 submitted to an
investigation commissioned by then-United Nations Secretary General
Boutros Boutros Ghali into the shooting down of Rwandan President
Habyarimana's plane on April 6, 1994. This was a key event in
triggering
the Hutu massacre of minority Tutsi people in which up to 1 million
men,
women and children were slaughtered with indescribable barbarity.
The investigation took place between April 1996 and May 1997, and the
report was submitted confidentially to top UN officials. Three Rwandan
informants revealed to the UN that they were part of an elite
assassination squad, working under the direction of Rwandan Patriotic
Front (RPF) leader Paul Kagame. (The RPF were then fighting to
overthrow
the Hutu regime that carried out the genocide. After defeating the
Hutu
government forces in 1994 they took power, and Kagame is now
vice-president.)
It was this elite squad which, "with the assistance of a foreign
government", fired the missiles bringing down Habyarimana's plane. The
president of Burundi and General Deogratias Nsabimana, chief of staff
of
the Rwandan army, were also killed in the attack.
The report states that when the informants told Judge Louise Arbour,
then chief UN war crimes prosecutor, that two of their number were
prepared to testify at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda
(ICTR) to bring the assassins to court, she was "at first very
positive". Within the space of two weeks, however, Arbour had changed
her mind. She advised that an investigation of the plane's shooting
down
was not within the mandate of the ICTR. The report states that "she
waited until the investigation appeared to be on the brink of a
breakthrough before she shut it down". This happened before "the
identity of the foreign government could be uncovered".
The Toronto National Post does not name the foreign government, but
points out that during the inquiry into the Rwandan genocide held by
the
French government "evidence emerged that the missiles used in the
attack
had been confiscated in Iraq by the American military during the
Persian
Gulf war". The newspaper also states that the US was "the only one of
three major players in the peace process that has not held a
comprehensive inquiry into the mass deaths". The other two countries
involved�Belgium and France�held inquiries in 1997 and 1998
respectively.
In April 1994 Rwanda was in the midst of an acute economic crisis and
had been embroiled in four years of war with the RPF. The Rwandan
government, backed by the army and semi-official murder squads, the
Interahamwe militias, ordered all those belonging to the majority Hutu
ethnic group to murder the entire Tutsi minority, along with those
Hutus
who would not collaborate.
This was not the culmination of some ancient tribal feud. Tutsis and
Hutus were set against each other first under Belgian colonial rule,
and
then under French domination.
The pro-Hutu regime came under French influence from the mid-1970s,
when
Rwanda joined the Francophone African countries. France armed the Hutu
government and French military personnel were active in Rwanda from
1990
onwards in the conflict with the RPF. French troops were fully
involved
in Rwanda in the period before and during the genocide, and France
continued to supply arms to the Hutu regime as the slaughter unfolded.
The genocide was planned for years in advance, and executed by tens of
thousands with ruthless precision. Meetings addressed by town
councillors ideologically prepared the massacre. Lists of Tutsis and
Hutus who opposed the regime were drawn up and roadblocks were set up.
Government-controlled newspapers and radio equated all Tutsis with the
rebel movement, the predominantly Tutsi RPF, and constantly reminded
the
Hutus of the oppression they had suffered under the Belgium-backed
regime before independence.
The Belgian inquiry revealed that the build-up to the genocide was
known
by all the Western powers involved. The Belgian authorities knew of
the
plans as early as 1992 and had passed on the information to France and
other countries. The UN inquiry, which published its findings December
last year, revealed that UN officials as well as ambassadors to Rwanda
from Belgium, France and the US certainly knew of preparations for the
massacre by the beginning of 1994.
The origins of the RPF were in Uganda, where they fought alongside the
US-backed rebel army of (now President) Museveni, ousting the dictator
Milton Obote in 1986. Kagame himself was given military training in
the
US, as were leading RPF cadres when they were part of the Ugandan
army.
>From the late 1980s on, the RPF began making military incursions into
Rwanda. Unable to defeat them, the Hutu regime under Habyarimana was
pressured by the French to reach a power-sharing agreement with the
RPF,
the Arusha Agreement, signed in August 1993. It included provisions
for
the return of Tutsi refugees, a transitional government incorporating
the RPF and the presence of a UN peacekeeping force in Rwanda.
Habyarimana was returning from ongoing talks in Arusha when his plane
was shot down.
All eyewitness accounts say the shooting of the president's plane
triggered the government's decision to mount its genocidal assault.
The
plane fell in flames into the grounds of the presidential palace at
8:30
a.m. By 9:15 the roadblocks were manned and the rounding-up and
slaughter had begun.
There followed a full-scale invasion of Rwanda by the RPF. When it was
clear that the RPF were gaining the upper hand, the French organised a
military invasion known as Operation Turquoise under the auspices of
the
UN, in order to provide a safe passage out of Rwanda for the leaders
of
the Hutu regime.
According to the report obtained by the Toronto National Post, the
informants gave extensive details to the UN regarding the RPF elite
network they belonged to and how their assignments were communicated.
They showed the investigators three sites where they say they planted
rocket launchers, two of which fired the SAMs (surface to air
missiles)
that hit Habyarimana's plane.
The report adds that the informants "provided accurate descriptions of
the operation together with names, ranks and roles of each soldier
involved. They also advised that they can produce hard copy documents
of
the operation." The informants' evidence was rated as probably true
but
untested.
There have been several conflicting accounts of who brought down
Habyarimana's plane. At the time of the French inquiry, Le Figaro
reported that information received from two retired French officers
said
that the missiles involved had been captured by French troops from
Iraq.
Belgian academic Filip Reyntjens confirmed this, but said they were
fired by the RPF. Bernard Debre, a minister in the French Balladur
government in 1994, stated that the missiles were captured from Iraq,
but by the US. He said that they were supplied to the RPF via Uganda.
In France, academics alleged that French mercenaries fired the
missiles,
working for the clique around Habyarimana's wife and brothers. It was
certainly true that the "akuzu", as they were called, were unhappy at
the prospect of sharing power and wealth with the RPF leadership. With
the influx of thousands upon thousands of Tutsis returning to their
homeland the privileges that were granted to Hutus would have soon
disappeared, and along with them Madame Habyarimana's base of support.
In this context, it is conceivable that the extremists in the Hutu
regime could hatch a plan whereby the president would be assassinated,
blaming the deed on the RPF and launching the massacre.
The Toronto National Post 's evidence would appear, however, to back
Debre's version of events. The UN report states that the informants
told
them that the RPF were moved to act in this way because the power
sharing talks were proceeding too slowly. It would also point to a
much
deeper involvement of the US in the Rwandan events than was previously
known. It certainly coincided with US efforts in Central Africa to
scupper the Arusha Agreement, setting the scene for the military
defeat
of the French-backed Hutu government and the installation of a
pro-American regime.
The UN report issued last December was an apology for criticisms
launched by, among others, Major Romeo Dallaire, the leader of the UN
peacekeeping force in Rwanda in 1994. Dallaire revealed that Kofi
Annan,
then head of peacekeeping, had ignored his warnings about the
impending
genocide and pulled out most of the UN forces.
The report did not investigate the role of any member country,
maintaining the fiction that the UN is somehow independent and
separate
from the US and other Western governments, even though the complicity
of
France in the genocide is public knowledge. The report put the
inaction
of the UN down to mismanagement, underfunding and lack of commitment.
In fact, there never was any intention to use UN troops to prevent the
genocide. Massacres on a smaller scale had occurred in Rwanda over the
previous period, as well as in neighbouring Burundi, without any
action
being taken. The UN was only employed to broker a deal between the
Hutu
regime and the RPF and to resolve the conflicting agendas of France
and
the US in the area. When this proved impossible, they were pulled out.
As the material in the Toronto National Post makes clear, in the years
since 1994 the UN has been involved in a major cover-up, suppressing a
key investigation that could have shed light on the role of the US in
Rwanda. It also shows the role of the ICTR, set up by the UN in 1995
to
"bring the guilty to justice", in preventing the truth about the
genocide being known.

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