The Thousand Conspiracy - Secret Germany Behind the Mask
Paul Winkler
Charles Scribner�s Sons�1943
New York
381 pps. � First Edition � Out-of-print
-----
"I know no way of judging the future but by the past."
PATRICK HENRY
[Speech at the Virginia Assembly, May 17651
--[3b]--
The Hydra Needs Time
Culminating in the gains of Bismarck, the Prusso-Teutonics had made great
strides since their modest beginning in the thirteenth century. To
recapitulate briefly:
We have seen that an uninterrupted evolution proceeded from the beginning of
the thirteenth century until 1870. In 1226, Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II
entrusted a vast imperial mission to the recently created Order of Teutonic
Knights, in his Bull of Rimini. The Knights launched the "campaign of
Prussia" and conquered one country after another, dragging their neighbors
into war on the flimsiest of pretexts, for the sole purpose of constantly
increasing their territory. The Order was soon acting entirely on its own
account as the sole heir of the traditions of the Hohenstaufen emperors
(indirect descendents of the Carolingian emperors) whose line died out with
Conrad IV, son of Frederick II. These are the traditions which point toward
world domination, and which are in opposition and direct conflict to the
claim of the Church of universal spiritual sovereignty. Under the protection
of the Order, a caste of nobles, enjoying the favor and complicity of the
Knights, settled in the conquered countries. These "Junkers" in turn tried to
appropriate for their exclusive advantage the very aims and traditions which
the Order itself had carried down from the Germano-Roman emperors. Already,
during the reign of the Order in Prussia between the thirteenth and the
fifteenth centuries, the Land-junkers were those who sought the greatest
advantages from their privileged position, and they committed the greatest
abuses. To protect their special interests they founded a secret society in
the fourteenth century, ("Society of Lizards"). Under their influence, the
State which the Order of Knights had formed was secularized in the sixteenth
century by a Grand Master who was a member of the Hohenzollern family, and
became a purely political unit.
Instead of being subservient to the Knights as they had been in the past, the
Junkers intended, from the time of the secularization of the Order's State,
to have at their service the State officials and army officers, descended
from two branches of knighthood-officials of the Order and the warrior
Knights. The Electors, and later the Kings of Prussia, had to reckon with
their desires and interests. So long as these were respected, the State-Duchy
or Kingdom�could pursue those ancient plans established by the visionary
Hohenstaufens, extending the bounds of conquest more and more.
The Great Elector and King Frederick II found all sorts of pretexts for
waging war. The goal was always the same�ceaseless conquest. The actions of
Bismarck were no different, but he was not content with increasing the
territory of Prussia. Using the same methods as his predecessors, he achieved
domination by Prussia over all the German States-the reestablishment of the
Empire to the advantage of Prussia and the Prussian clique. The circle was
now completed. The Hohenstaufens had launched the Knights on a path of world
conquest, but had lost the Empire. The descendants of the Knights established
their regime over a vast territory which served them as a fief, and from
which they again conquered the Empire.
In observing how the Great Elector, Frederick the Great, and Bismarck all
arrived at their goals, one cannot help but be struck by the similarity
between their hypocritical methods and those employed by the Order, as
described by contemporary chroniclers.
Bismarck closed the circle, but by the inclusion of this immense territory
within the Prussian orbit, at the same time put a temporary stop to the
movement of expansion. The hydra needed time to digest the lamb. Thus in the
period between 1870 and 1914, Prussia could give the world the impression
that it had nothing to fear from her, and most people were lulled by the
illusion that the era of Prussian conquest had passed.
The world did not realize that Prussia needed a temporary period of peace to
organize the territories it had acquired. Bismarck himself had decided to
call a halt. The Empire was to be thoroughly Prussianized, for only the
Prussian discipline inherited from the Order�the "devota subjectio" so dear
to the Knights, translated into civic terms in Prussia�would in the long run
enable other German countries also to acquire the desirable toughness and
ruthlessness. This development would some day enable the Prussians to resume
the path of conquest, this time on behalf of the Prussianized Empire.
A Ghost Returns
Principally due to the leadership of Bismarck, years of internal organization
followed, but the theoreticians of Prussianism, the Treitschkes, the von
Bernhardis and the others, looked toward the future and continued to keep the
flame alive. In German intellectual circles they kept in the foreground the
ambitions for world domination as well as the basic principles of tactical
method through which to achieve it. During this time Bismarck himself was
apparently occupied only with standardizing laws throughout Germany, and with
unifying the army and the other institutions. Later, over a period of years,
William II pursued the same task, but being more of a mystic than his
predecessors, he considered it useful, toward the end of the nineteenth
century, to reestablish the organization of the Teutonic Knights in Germany
and principally in East Prussia.
This gesture was purely symbolic and added but little to the existing state
of affairs; the Junkers, the officers and officials who were now active in
the Order had for a long time been united by numerous ties. They had their
secret societies, within which they regularly discussed projects concerning
the protection of their personal interests and national expansion.
Nevertheless, it was characteristic that William II went further than mere
reconstruction of the Order by rebuilding Marienburg, its traditional seat.
He also named one infantry regiment (No. 152) as well as two artillery
regiments (Nos. 71 and 72) for the Teutonic Knights. Measures of this kind
would obviously increase the pride and the ambitions of the Junkers, and of
their associates in the army and administration.
"Hass gegen England, 1914"
The next task to be undertaken was the attempt to smash the world hegemony of
the power which was considered by the Prusso-Teutonic forces as their only
major rival�England. Already List had pointed out the importance of this
problem for the benefit of German imperialists of the future. Treitschke, in
his writings, constantly fulminated against English hegemony, and thus kept
alive a flame of hatred which was to become useful at the proper moment. The
English had become masters of a fifth of the habitable lands of the earth.
"Through robbery," said Treitschke.
N. A. Cramb, Professor of History at Queens College in London, died on the
eve of World War I. He foresaw the Prussian struggle against English hegemony
as imminent in one form or another, because it was indispensable for the
Prussian plans for world domination. "The quasi-historical form," said Cramb,
"which the question of enmity to England now assumes in the minds of
thousands of intellectual Germans is this: As the first great united action
of the Germans as a people, when they became conscious of their power, was
the overthrow of the Roman Empire, and ultimately, in Charlemagne and the
Ottonides, the realization of the dream of Alaric�the transfiguration of the
world, the subversion of Rome, and the erection upon its ruins of a new
State; so in the twentieth century, now that Germany under the Hohenzollern
has become conscious of her new life, shall her first great action to be the
overthrow of that empire most corresponding to the Roman Empire, which in the
dawn of her history she overthrew? In German history the old imperialism
begins by the destruction of Rome. Will the new imperialism begin by the
destruction of England?" *[* J. A. Cramb, M.A., Germany and England, E. P. Dut
ton & Co., New York, 1914. Quoted by permission of the publishers.]
If there is conflict between the two nations, it is not because of the
insults which Germany might suffer from England. No need for that. The mere
existence of the British Empire is an insult to Prussian Germany. Cramb, who
was in regular contact with German university circles, and who could clearly
estimate the state of mind beyond the Rhine in 1913, said: "England's
possessions, England's arrogance on the seas, her claim to world-wide
empire�these, Germany answers, are to Germany an insult not less humiliating
than any she has met with in the past. And what are these English
pretensions? And upon what are they based? Not upon England's supremacy in
character or intellect. For what is the character of this race which thus
possesses a fifth of the habitable globe and stands forever in the path of
Germany's course towards her 'place in the sun', in the path of Germany's
course towards empire?
"It is from this first recrimination that, during the last three or four
decades, largely under the influence of the Prussian School of History, there
has been evolved a portrait of England as the great robber-State. In one
phase or another this conception is gradually permeating all classes, making
itself apparent, now in a character in fiction, now in a poem, now in a work
of history or economics, now in the lecture hall at Bonn or Heidelberg or
Berlin, now in a political speech.
"And the theme is precise. England's supremacy is an unreality, her political
power is as hollow as her moral virtues; the one an arrogance and pretence,
the other hypocrisy. She cannot long maintain that baseless supremacy. On the
sea she is rapidly being approached by other powers; her resources, except by
immigration, are almost stationary, and her very immigration debases still
further her resources. Her decline is certain. There may be no war. The
display of power may be enough, and England after 1900, like Venice after
1500, will gradually atrophy, sunk in torpor. . . .
". . . Who is to succeed her? It may not be Germany; some Power it must be.
But if Germany were to inherit the sceptre, which is falling from her
nerveless hands . . . ?
"And having visualized this future, the German imagination, in a tempest of
envy or vehement hate, becomes articulate and takes various shapes, resulting
in an almost complete arraignment of the British Empire, of the English
character, and of all our institutions and all our efforts as an
empire-building race."
For what is the supreme ideal, Cramb asks, for all these German thinkers, who
influence future events in Germany? "It is world dominion," he answers; "it
is world empire; it is the hegemony of a planet. It assigns to Germany in the
future a role like that which Rome or Hellas or Judaea or Islam have played
in the past. That is Germany's hero-ideal. It is at least greatly conceived.
"Assuming for a moment that this world-predominance is possible to Germany,
what is the testimony of Germany's past, to her capacity to play this part?
You find Germany an empire already in the ninth century, if you regard
Charlemagne as a German�as he was; and again you have attempts at imperialism
made by the German race under the Ottos in the tenth century; but most
distinctly is Germany an imperial power in the twelfth century in the time of
the Hohenstaufen, one of the most tragic dynasties in history."
Characterizing the spiritual heritage of Treitschke, Cramb says: "Treitschke
has defined the aim of Germany, and Treitschke's definition, which has been
taken up by his disciples, is this: that just as the greatness of Germany is
to be found in the governance of Germany by Prussia, so the greatness and
good of the world is to be found in the predominance there of German culture,
of German mind, in a word, of German character. This is the ideal of Germany,
and this is Germany's role as Treitschke saw it in the future."
These considerations of Cramb (originating in a lecture series he gave in
1913 and published in April, 1914) certainly correspond with the evolution of
things during the first World War, which was a first attempt to rupture
English political hegemony. But other passages in these same lectures have
greater point for a more recent past than the 1914 epoch. Thus Cramb points
out that the forces directing Germany intend not only to achieve world
dominion in their own way, and to eliminate for this purpose the power of
England. What they are equally concerned with is to replace the predominant
civilization of the world with another, purely Germanic; and to do away with
Christianity, the "softening influence" of which is in direct contradiction
to the Teutonic moral concepts.
"This world dominion of which Germany dreams," says Cramb, with great
academic objectivity, "is not simply a material dominion. Germany is not
blind to the lessons inculcated by Napoleonic tyranny. Force alone, violence
or brute strength, by its mere presence or by its loud manifestations in war,
may be necessary to establish this dominion; but its ends are spiritual. The
triumph of the Empire will be the triumph of German culture, of the German
world-vision in all the phases and departments of human life and energy, in
religions, poetry, science, art, politics, and social endeavor.
"The characteristics of this German world-vision, the benefits which its
predominance is likely to confer upon mankind, are, a German would allege,
truth instead of falsehood in the deepest and gravest preoccupations of the
human mind; German sincerity instead of British hypocrisy; Faust instead of
Tartuffe. And whenever I have put to any of the adherents of this ideal the
further question: 'Where in actual German history do you find your guarantee
for the character of the spiritual empire; is not the true role of Germany
cosmopolitan and peaceful; are not Herder and Goethe its prophets?' I have
met with one invariable answer: 'The political history of Germany, from the
accession of Frederick in 1740 to the present hour, has admittedly no meaning
unless it be regarded as a movement toward the establishment of a
world-empire, with the war against England as the necessary preliminary.
Similarly the curve which, during the last century and a half, Germany has
traced in religion and metaphysical thought, from Kant and Hegel to
Schopenhauer, Strauss and Nietzsche, has not less visibly been a movement
towards a newer worldreligion, a newer world-faith. That fatal tendency to
cosmopolitanism, to a dream-world which Heine derided and Treitschke
deplored, does, indeed, still remain, but how transfigured!
"But what is to be Germany's part in the future of human thought? Germany
answers: 'It is reserved for us to resume in thought that creative role in
religion which the whole Teutonic race abandoned fourteen centuries ago.
Judea and Galilee cast their dreary spell over Greece and Rome, when Greece
and Rome were already sinking into decrepitude and the creative power in them
was exhausted, when weariness and bitterness wakened with their greatest
spirits at day, and sank to sleep again with them at night. But Judxa and
Galilee struck Germany in the splendor and heroism of her prime. Germany and
the whole Teutonic people in the fifth century made the great error. They
conquered Rome, but dazzled by Rome's authority they adopted the religion and
the culture of the vanquished. Germany's own deep religious instinct, her
native genius for religion, manifested in her creative success, was arrested,
stunted, thwarted. But, having once adopted the new faith, she strove to live
that faith, and for more than thirty generations she has struggled and
wrestled to see with eyes that were not her eyes, to worship a God that was
not her God, to live with a world-vision that was not her vision, and to
strive for a heaven that was not her heaven. And with what chivalry and with
what loyalty did not Germany strive! With what ardour she flung herself into
the pursuit of sainthood as an ideal and then into the Crusades! Conrad and
Barbarossa, Otto the Great and Frederick II, Hildebrand and Innocent III,
were of her blood, so were Godfrey and Tancred and Bohemund. Yet in the East,
in the very height of her enthusiasm, the outward fabric of faith sank. In
the East where she sought the grave of Christ, she saw beyond it the grave of
Balder, and higher than the New Jerusalem the shining walls of Asgard and of
Valhalla. In Jerusalem, standing beside an empty grave, the summits of a
mightier vision gleamed spectral around her. And whilst her Crusaders, front
to front with Islam, burst into passionate denials and set Mohammed above
Christ, or in exasperated scorn derided all religion, her great thinkers and
mystics led her steadily toward the serener heights, where knowledge and
faith dissolve in vision, and ardour is all.
"'A great hope had sunk; a mightier hope had arisen. But like the purposes of
the world-spirit in the everlasting self-disaccord, this hope could only be
born in the bloodiest strife, and agony infinite, and fatalizing hatred and
war. . . . Rome no longer a guide, Germany was torn by the violence of the
furious heresies, from which sprang the secret orgies of the Black Mass, and
that subterranean literature of which the "Detribus impostoribus" is a sign.
"'The-seventeenth century flung off Rome; the eighteenth undermined Galilee
itself; . . . and with the opening of the twentieth century, Germany, her
long travail past, is reunited to her pristine genius, her creative power in
religion and thought.
"'And what is the religion which, on the whole, may be characterized as the
religion of the most earnest and passionate minds of young Germany? What is
this new movement? The movement, the governing idea of the centuries from the
fourteenth to the nineteenth is the wrestle of the German intellect not only
against Rome but against Christianism itself. Must Germany submit to this
alien creed derived from an alien clime? Must she forever confront the ages,
the borrower of her religion, her own genius for religion numbed and
paralysed? . . .
"'Thus while preparing to found a world-empire, Germany is also preparing to
create a world-religion. No cultured European nation since the French
Revolution has made an experiment in creative religion. The experiment which
England, with her "dull imagination" has recoiled from, Germany will make;
the fated task which England has declined she will essay.'
"That is the faith of young Germany in 1913," concludes Cramb.
His description of the German state of mind before the first World War is
interesting in many respects. It is a rapid resume of a spiritual evolution
paralleling the social and political evolution which we have described. As to
the future, his description has more significance for the events of the last
ten years than for the period which was immediately to follow the time when
Cramb was speaking. The Germany of William II was not yet ready to make an
open break with Christianity. The Germany of Hitler is much closer to this
point, but here as elsewhere, we can see that she only executes what has for
many years been definitely planned by the Prusso-Teutonic group.
Cramb does not resolve the problem whose contradictions strike him. He is
impressed by the profundity of the neo-pagan spirit which he has encountered
in Germany, and by the political importance of Prussian traditions. On the
other hand he is well aware of the Germany of Herder and Goethe and of its
"cosmopolitan and peaceful spirit" but he does not know which to believe is
the true spirit of Germany. He does not yet come to the conclusion that both
Germanies might quite well have existed over a period of centuries
simultaneously; the one always deeply pagan, of a pretended Christianity
(Emperor Henry IV, Barbarossa, his grandson Frederick II, the Teutonic
Knights and their descendants); and the other, thoroughly Christianized to an
extent as great as any other European country, but constantly suffering from
the exactions and egotism of the Pagan Germany. Cramb sees only the
contradictions, but the permanent and secular character of the conflict seems
to escape him completely. Prussia's propaganda was so clever that by
1913�forty-three years after the Prussian clique had manoeuvred themselves
into the saddle over the rest of Germany-she made the world forget that
"Prussia" and "Germany" are not absolutely identical.
More Dreams
Frederick Scott Oliver, another observer in the same epoch, writing in London
(1915) says:* [* Frederick Scott Oliver, Ordeal by Battle, The Macmillan Co.,
New York, 1915. Quoted by permission of the publishers.]
"The complete mosaic of the German vision is an empire incomparably greater
in extent, in riches and in population than any which has yet existed since
the world first began to keep its records. Visionnaires are always in a
hurry. This stupendous arrangement of the Earth's surface is confidently
anticipated to occur within the first half of the present century. It is to
be accomplished by a race distinguished for its courage, industry and
devotion-let us admit so without grudging.* But in numbers�even if we count
the Teutons of the Habsburg Empire along with those of the Hohenzollern�it
amounts upon the highest computation, to less than eighty millions. This is
the grain of mustard-seed which is confidently believed to have in it 'the
property to get up and spread,' until within little more than a generation,
it will dominate and control more than seven hundred millions of human
souls.[ * Like Cramb, Oliver does not distinguish sufficiently between the
German people (whose good qualities appeal to him) and the clique which goads
the people in the direction of these ultra-ambitious plans.]
"Nor to German eyes, which dwell lovingly, and apparently without misgiving,
upon this appalling prospect of symmetry and vastness, are these the sum
total of its attractions. The achievement of their vision would bring peace
to mankind. For there would then be but two empires remaining, which need
give the overlords of the world the smallest concern. Of these Russia in
their opinion needs a century at least in which to emerge out of primitive
barbarism and become a serious danger; while in less than a century, the
United States must inevitably crumble to nonentity, through the worship of
false gods and the corruption of a decadent democracy. Neither of these two
empires could ever hope to challenge the German Mastery of the World.
"In South America as in North, there is already a German garrison, possessing
great wealth and influence. And in the South, at any rate, it may well
become, very speedily, an imperative obligation on the Fatherland to secure
for its exiled children more settled conditions under which to extend the
advantages of German commerce and kultur. President Monroe has already been
dead a hundred years or more According to the calculations of the
pedantocracy,* his famous doctrine will need some stronger backing than the
moral disapprobation of a hundred millions of materially-minded and unwarlike
people, in order to withstand the pressure of German diplomacy, if it should
summon war-ships and transports to its aid."[ *Oliver's designation for the
Prusso-Teutonic theoreticians.]
Note that this resume' of German conceptions dates from 1915, and is based on
observations made in 1912-1913�an epoch, therefore, in which the "Nazi
menace" which today seems alone to be indicted, did not yet exist. This is
the epoch in which one of the most famous scientists of Germany, Professor
Ernst Haeckel, had formulated the German war aims in a series of 8 points
(which would be interesting to compare with the 8 points of Roosevelt and
Churchill). These evidently represented only the "immediate aims" in the
grandiose whole of the Teutonic conception:
(1) Smashing of English tyranny.
(2) Invasion of Great Britain and occupation of London.
(3) Partition of Belgium. The section from west of Ostend to Antwerp to
become a State in the German Empire; the northern section to go to Holland.
Luxembourg to receive the southeast section, and thus expanded, would
henceforth be a united German State.
(4) Certain English colonies and the Congo Free State to Germany.
(5) France to cede its northeast Departments to Germany.
(6) Russia to be neutralized by the reconstitution of the
Polish kingdom under Austrian influence.
(7) The German Baltic provinces to be restored to the Ger-man Empire.
(8) Finland, united with Sweden, to become an independent kingdom.
It was the epoch of William II, and many people had the illusion that he
alone was responsible for the "German menace." Some blamed the world unrest
created by Germany simply on his contradictory temperament, which was
responsible for his alternate pacific declarations and "sword-rattling"
harangues.
In reality he was a figurehead who, at times, was even something of an
encumbrance to the Prusso-Teutonic forces�who alone counted in the control of
German affairs; for in these outbursts, which he did not very well know how
to control, he revealed all too readily the policies and plans which should
have been kept secret. But this was of little importance since the
Prusso-Teutonic plans were pursued unwaveringly, regardless of which man was
used as a front. This man alone would appear to the outside world.
Obviously Bismarck, who was a man of high qualities, rendered much more
service to the Prusso-Teutonic cause than did that clown-supreme, William II.
But it was not the latter alone who was responsible for the war of 1914. And
if, abroad, he was considered solely to blame for this war and, in his own
country, for the defeat which followed, this was fully to the advantage of
the Prusso-Teutonic circles. The latter thus escaped blame from two
sources-which would have been a devastating blow for them had they acted
directly and openly.
Under the Cloak
Because of the great variety in the apparent aims pursued by the
Prusso-Teutonic group over a period of centuries, the observer of German
affairs has often been mistaken on the subject of the group's actual
intentions. Thus the Prussians are at first allied with Austria-then they
attack her so as to eliminate her from the Empire. Before 1870 they keep in
the good graces of France�then at the first opportunity they invade her. They
speak of a "Teutonic solidarity" with England-and then call her their
greatest enemy. They envisage a reconstituted Poland in order to make Russia
powerlessand later conclude a temporary alliance with Russia permitting the
occupation of Poland.
Sometimes the men who speak in the name of Prusso-Teutonic Germany are
replaced by others and the change in aims is explained by the personal
preferences of these men. The world is thus reassured, made to believe that
Germany is abandoning her ancient plans due to the influence of new leaders.
But even where a leader keeps his place, although the avowed aims have
changed, the world is time and again taken in by the illusion that Germany is
finally limiting her aims, and that she is no longer to be considered as
dangerous as people imagined her. This was the reasoning during the period of
calm between 1870 and 1914 (which calm, as we have seen, was necessary for
Prussia to strengthen her dominion over Germany); in the years which followed
the 1918 armistice; and most recently in the time between any two changes in
Hitler's tactics.
Sometimes these varied aims, these alleged "oscillations" as to the ends
pursued in German politics, were simply tactical and designed to veil the
real intentions of Germany. She would thus be in a much better position to
make preparations in the direction she actually intended to take. But many of
the changes in direction have been sincere.
Frequently these periodical shifts in the "German menace" may be explained by
the absolute empiricism of the Prusso-Teutonic methods. It makes no
difference what the immediate objective is so long as the final goal remains
the same. If the matter of primary importance for Berlin had been the
conquest of France, Austria, Poland, Russia or England-her behavior,
alternately friendly and threatening to each of these countries, may appear
illogical. But the conquest of any of these countries may be considered only
as one of the possible first steps toward the only real goal which interests
her: world dominion. Thus she can start action anywhere and continue it,
guided by opportunity, resistance and degree of failure encountered. The
chess player, at the beginning of his game, does not generally know which
pieces he wants to win from his opponent first, but he knows his final goal
quite well. The empiricism in the choice of her immediate objectives allows
Germany better to hide her actual game and even to make interim allies of the
countries to which such an alliance is acceptable. In the long run they will
surely be devoured, as were the others.
In the quarter century between 1914 and 1939, the immediate ends of Germany
have changed somewhat, but the basic plan behind her actions has scarcely
been altered. The venture Of 1914 had failed by 1918. Was England called the
major enemy during the World War-the enemy who was to be wiped out? This is
of no importance. Since she proved to be the stronger, Germany would court
her friendship over a period of years so that she might be neutralized.
To encourage England's confidence in her, Germany would first show a facade
of peace, the German Republic. This was the strategy Germany employed.
Through it she gained time to re-establish her forces. Then-since the facade
had served its purpose and was now a nuisance-she removed it and erected
another, more threatening than any of the ancient ones.
This facade is Hitler and Nazism�a facade very valuable today to the
Prusso-Teutonic forces, but which could be sacrificed over night as the
others were, if such sacrifice would be to the advantage of the real leaders
of Germany.
We shall try in the pages which follow to show the means by which the
Prusso-Teutonic forces succeeded in maintaining their position in the years
between the two World Wars and how they allowed Hitler to accede to "power,"
so that he might serve them.
pps.84-116
--[cont]--
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
All My Relations.
Omnia Bona Bonis,
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
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