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>From the New Paradigms Project [Not Necessarily Endorsed]:

From: Lloyd Miller <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: Gore Campaign Scandal
Date: Sunday, June 11, 2000 7:09 AM

From: Howard Rothenburg <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: SNET: Gore Campaign Scandal

->  SNETNEWS  Mailing List

   By Michael Isikoff
   Newsweek, June 12, 2000

   Charles Uribe, chairman of A.J. Construction Co. in New York, got an unusual
   phone message on Feb. 2, 1996. "The vice president is on the line," his
   secretary said. "Vice president of what?" Uribe barked. "The vice president
   of the United States," she said. Uribe immediately took the call, and other
   executives in the room listened curiously to their boss's end of the
   conversation, a string of "yes, sirs" and "no, sirs." When Uribe got off he
   explained. "We need to raise $50,000 for the campaign," he said, according
   to an account a colleague later gave the FBI.

   It was business as usual for Gore. Dubbed "solicitor in chief" for his
   aggressive fund-raising, he placed 71 calls from his White House office.
   Legal questions about Gore's dialing for dollars led Attorney General Janet
   Reno to considertwiceappointing an independent counsel to investigate. Both
   times she declined, drawing bitter criticism from Republicans and even some
   of her own senior prosecutors.

   Just how close did Gore come to an investigation that might have hurt his
   presidential chances? Perilously close, it turns out. More than 100 pages of
   internal Justice Department memos, reviewed by NEWSWEEK, shed new light on a
   largely invisible but fierce intramural fight in 1998 that played out as the
   country was transfixed by the Monica Lewinsky scandal. The issue: did Gore
   lie to the FBI about the kind of political money he had been trying to
   raise? The record shows prosecutors infuriated by evasive and implausible
   answers from the vice president and other officials. "This is a classic
   white-collar [crime] scenario," wrote Justice attorney Judy Feigin.

   Only a few months earlier it appeared that Gore was in the clear. The calls
   had been a political nightmare through most of 1997, when opponents charged
   that he had violated an old law barring solicitation of campaign money in a
   federal building. Reno cleared him late that year on a technical but legally
   crucial distinction: his claim that he had been raising unregulated "soft"
   money for the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and not "hard" funds
   earmarked for the re-election campaign. But in July 1998, Gore's lawyers
   turned over newly discovered notes taken by former aide David Strauss at a
   1995 White House meeting attended by Gore. The notes strongly suggested that
   part of the money Gore raised would be "hard." One notation read: "65%
   soft/35% hard." Charles LaBella, chief of Justice's campaign-finance task
   force, who, along with FBI director Louis Freeh, had wanted an independent
   counsel in 1997, pressed again.

   The memo touched off a new flurry of investigationand infighting. Bradley
   Marshall, a DNC official who attended the 1995 meeting, confirmed an earlier
   statement by former White House chief of staff Leon Panetta: that hard money
   had been discussedwith Gore listening. Gore told the FBI that he drank too
   much iced tea during the meeting and may have been in the bathroom. This was
   too much for Feigin, LaBella's deputy. "We now have Panetta, Marshall and
   the contemporaneous Strauss notes," she wrote in August 1998. "On the other
   side is a group of people who basically 'don't recall'." Feigin also
   suggested that a visit to the grand jury might "jog" failing memories.
   Others still vehemently opposed pursuing Gore. Lee Radek, chief of Justice's
   public-integrity section, charged that Panetta had changed his statement
   "three times."

   But Feigin's memo briefly tipped the scales. James Robinson, chief of
   Justice's criminal division, reversed his position and recommended an
   expanded Gore probe, which continued until November 1998. By then,
   high-ranking Clinton appointee Robert Litt reluctantly supported an
   independent counsel. The internal dispute was as arcane as it was bitter:
   even Gore's antagonists conceded that the case against him was too weak to
   successfully prosecute. But the language of the law, they argued, left Reno
   no discretion. She disagreed. On Nov. 24 she dropped the case, stating that
   Strauss's notes did not prove that Gore lied to investigators. From the Gore
   camp there was a sigh of relief, for dodging what may have been a small
   legal bullet, but a potentially damaging political wound.




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