from: http://www.sheftin.com/RRRNews/index.htm Click Here: <A HREF="http://www.sheftin.com/RRRNews/">Readren's Report</A> ----- All The Gore (Part 1): A Little Background This Expose' is the first of six installments. When presented in it's entirety, the full picture of how Financial Leaders and Politicians use NoN-Profit Organizations to further line their pockets. This Report will name the corrupt Politicians, Financial Leaders, and Orginization Leaders. It will provide documentation to substantiate the report. And finally, this report will provide bank names and account numbers of where the illegal gotten monies were deposited. There will be nothing left to question. ===== from: http://www.sheftin.com/RRRNews/atg1.htm Click Here: <A HREF="http://www.sheftin.com/RRRNews/atg1.htm">Democracy Intervention in Haiti</A> ----- On The Net All The Gore (Part 1) Research Notes for the Serious Investigator Follow the Money Democracy Enhancement refers to collaborative, systematic efforts by an array of U.S. government agencies to further U.S. political and economic interests in poor countries -- regardless of grossly negative impact on the poor majorities in those countries -- under the banner of building democracy. Democracy "enhancement" is more properly termed democracy intervention. The primary agencies openly involved in democracy intervention are the Nationa l Endowment for Democracy (NED), the Agency for International Development (AID) and U.S. Information Agency (USIA), working in concert with the National Security Council, the State Department, the CIA, and a complex network of organizations clustered around NED. Promotional materials describe NED as "a private nonprofit organization created in 1983 to strengthen democratic institutions around the world through nongovernmental efforts." NED is not a nongovernmental organization: it was established by USIA and receives 99% of its funding from the U.S. government. Its "private" facade, however, means it is not subject to Congressional oversight. NED might be termed "the group that took the 'C' out of covert interference in foreign elections" .... its first president stated, "A lot of what we do today was done covertly 25 years ago by the CIA." (The CIA's first covert operation was interference in Italy's elections in the late 1940s.) AID is commonly perceived as a nonpolitical, benevolent, international assistance agency which provides foreign aid to poor countries and helps them learn from the United States' superior economic, technological and agricultural power. This perception is inaccurate. First, "foreign aid" money goes largely into American pockets, funding American-owned businesses and U.S. agencies rather than directly benefiting poor people in foreign countries. Second, AID is anything but nonpolitical: its own mission statement defines it as a foreign affairs agency of the U.S. government committed to "continued American economic and moral leadership." Third, many foreign "nongovernmental organizations" (NGOs) which receive AID and NED funding are not nongovernmental at all: they are founded -- sometimes openly, sometimes covertly -- and controlled by U.S. government funds. Finally, the key U.S. "private voluntary organizations" (PVOs) involved in democracy enhancement clearly have conservative and right-wing political agendas, not charitable or development agendas, behind their bipartisan masks. Many also have histories of active involvement in covert political activities in Nicaragua, El Salvador and elsewhere. The complex flow of funds among AID, NED and USIA defies analysis. It is quite clear, however, that these monies are U.S. taxpayer dollars serving to undermine genuine democracy in poor countries. The kind of "democracy" sought is not that which reflects self-determination, popular participation, or the interests of the poor majorities in Third World countries. The Democracy Enhancement Project in Haiti In May 1991, AID received Congressional authorization to spend $24.4 million on a four-year Democracy Enhancement Project in Haiti. The following month, AID invited ten U.S. non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to apply for AID funding to carry out certain functions of the project. Washington Office on Haiti first summarized the AID Invitation for Application and its several attachments in July 1991. While various amendments have been made since then, the original documents define the purposes and structures of current "democracy" activities in Haiti. Following this introduction, this report contains five sections: Section 1 Summary of AID Democracy Enhancement Project Section 2 Summary of AID Post-Coup Status Report to Congress Section 3 Summary of AID September 1993 Status Report ("Democracy Factsheet") Section 4 Background on Key U.S. PVOs (NGOs) Section 5 Attachments: The Democracy Offensive (Resource Center, Fall 1989) Freedom of Information Act sheet AID Project Paper (#521-0236), June 1991 Sections 1 through 3 are based on the original AID documents, and passages appearing in quotes are AID's own language. While the original set of documents was too lengthy (over 100 pages) to reproduce here, a copy of AID's overall summary entitled "Democracy Enhancement Project (521-0236) Project Paper" is provided in Section 5. Section 4 presents brief background summaries on America's Development Foundation, Delphi International, the Institut International d' Haiti de la Recherche et du Developpment (Haitian Institute for Research and Development, or IHRED), Projet Integre pour le Renforcement de la Democratie en Haiti (PIRED), the American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD), the Center for Democracy (CFD), the Free Trade Union Institute (FTUI), the International Republican Institute (IRI, formerly known as NRI) and National Democratic Institute (NDI), and the United States Information Agency (USIA, known abroad as the U.S. Information Service, USIS). With the exception of IHRED and PIRED, both created by America's Development Foundation, all these groups have been involved in democracy intervention in numerous countries. IHRED and PIRED work only in Haiti. Basic terminology regarding all these groups is problematic in two ways. First, the U.S. uses the term Private Voluntary Organization (PVO) to refer to the kind of groups known virtually everywhere else as Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). Both terms mean, in essence, organizations which are neither government nor business entities, which are designed to serve the public interest or some humanitarian purpose, which are charitable in nature, and which are incorporated as non-profit tax-exempt organizations. Independence from government is a primary feature. Since the U.S. is only one of many countries with such organizations, a democratic spirit would suggest use of the term NGO to refer to such groups. A second issue is more important. An organization which is founded and funded by part of a government is by definition not a non-governmental organization. Democracy intervention depends on two kinds of these non-NGOs, U.S. and foreign. The common characteristics of such organizations include: *Their government identity is almost universally unrecognized by the U.S. public, which accepts the "private" label at face value. *Their government identity is often unrecognized by other, genuinely nongovernmental NGOs in the U.S., and may be unrecognized by other parts of the same government (e.g., Congress). *Their government identity is probably unrecognized by many of their own employees. *Their government identity is often unrecognized by the public, genuine NGOs and in some cases probably the governments of the foreign countries in which they operate. *Their government identity is quite fully recognized by U.S. intelligence and other agencies involved in covert manipulation of political, economic and social systems in Third World countries. The process by which such groups carry out democracy intervention objectives -- imposition of U.S. political and economic interests on poor countries under the guise of "building democracy" -- is simple enough: Step 1 Found a group in a Third World country which appears to be an independent, charitable organization in that county -- an NGO -- but which is actually organized by or on behalf of a U.S. government agency (e.g., AID, USIA, CIA). (Alternatively, an existing public service group which was actually begun by private citizens in that country can be taken over, its institutional face remaining the same but its locus of control and real purposes changed.) Step 2 Also found a group in the U.S. which appears to be an independent, charitable organization designed to help developing countries in some way -- an NGO -- but which is actually organized by or on behalf of a U.S. government agency. (Alternatively, use one of the many such groups already in existence.) Step 3 The Third World group applies to the U.S. group for support -- and gets it. Now it looks like everybody involved is an NGO, when in fact nobody is. Often, the interlocking network of funders and grantees makes tracing the flow of U.S. tax dollars almost impossible: AID makes grants to -- and receives grants from -- NED, USIA and the non-NGO NGOs -- and vice versa. It is clear, however, that "democracy" projects which undermine genuine democracy in other countries undermine genuine democracy in the United States as well. Abbreviations ADF America's Development Foundation AID U.S. Agency for International Development (also known as USAID) AFT American Federation of Teachers AIFLD American Institute for Free Labor Development AHJ Association of Haitian Journalists CASEC Communal councils designated by Haiti's 1987 Constitution to replace the all-powerful rural sheriffs known as Section Chiefs CDRH Human Resources Development Center, founded by an AID NGO in 1985 CEP Conseil Electoral Permanent (Permanent Electoral Council) CHADEL Haitian Center for Human Rights, founded in New York in 1983; founder/director became coup regime's first prime minister EIL Experiment in International Living FHAH Haitian Federation for Aid to Women FINCA Foundation for International Community Assis-tance, an AID NGO which does village banking FOS Federation of Trade Union Workers, a conserva-tive union accepted by Duvalier; AIFLD pays rent, electricity and salaries FTUI Free Trade Union Institute GOH Government of Haiti HAVA Haitian Association of Voluntary Agencies IHRED Institut International d' Haiti de la Recherche et du Developpment (Haitian Institute for Research and Development) NDI National Democratic Institute NED National Endowment for Democracy NGO Nongovernmental Organization (same as PVO) NRI National Republical Institute (currently known as International Republican Institute, IRI) OGITH General Organization of Haitian Workers, a conservative union supported by AIFLD PADF Pan American Development Foundation PIRED Projet Integre pour le Renforcement de la Democratie in Haiti PVO Private Voluntary Organization (same as NGO) UMU Umbrella Management Unit USG U.S. Government USIA United States Information Agency (known abroad as United States Information Service, USIS) 1. Summary of AID Democracy Enhancement Project Groups Invited to Apply for AID Democracy Enhancement Funds The organizations originally invited to apply included America's Development Foundation (ADF), Coordination in Development (CODEL), Delphi International Group, Experiment in International Living (EIL), Foundation for International Community Assistance (FINCA), National Association of the Partners of the Americas, Pan American Development Foundation (PADF), Planning Assistance Inc., Private Agencies Collaborating Together (PACT), and Save the Children. Application materials stressed the importance of speedy start-up for the Democracy Enhancement Project. Final proposals were required to be submitted to AID in Haiti by July 31, 1991 and grants were awarded a month later. Martin Napper and Patricia Smith were named as the Haiti AID Grant Officer and US Project Manager, respectively. The AID Invitation for Application (HAI-IA-002) stated that funding levels, participating organizations and areas of emphasis would be reassessed annually and might change in response to changes in the political and social situation in Haiti. The project could also be extended for a fifth or sixth year. Not all ten groups submitted an application. At least one group decided not to apply, citing insufficient collaboration with the Haitian government on AID's part. Reportedly, ADF and Delphi, each leading a consortium of other groups, submitted successful proposals. ADF was awarded at least $4 million total, with subcontracts to EIL and Datex, a management firm which has been supplying consultants to AID in Port-au-Prince for some years. Delphi's grant total is unknown, but it has been said to be subcontracting parts of its work to Pan American Development Foundation and Partners of the Americas. In 1991, the Delphi group reportedly planned to call itself Pwoje Patisipasyon. Also, the Consortium for Legislative Development was to receive money via "a buy-in" for the National Assembly component of the project. AID's Stated Goals and Caveats The AID Democracy Enhancement Project (#521-0236) claimed to be designed "to strengthen legislative and other constitutional structures, ... local governments, [and] ... independent organizations which foster democratic values and participation in democratic decision making." Project activities focused on five target groups, including both houses of the National Assembly, political parties, the CEP, the NGO's, and local government. The project represents AID's primary effort to promote US policy toward Haiti in a "flexible" and "activist" fashion. Materials stated that Democracy Enhancement is aimed less at increasing the degree of awareness of democratic principles and more at increasing "the number and types of institutions that can channel constructive competition into pluralistic endeavors." AID planned to achieve this goal both by giving various kinds of support to AID/USIS-selected groups and parties already existing and by creating, training and supporting new groups. The need for "sensitivity" to "avoid anti-American backlash" was stressed repeatedly, as was the need for discreet, intensive and timely collaboration among the US groups carrying out the project. AID noted that "at the same time, we must not be timid in the pursuit of key foreign policy objectives which our project is designed to serve. AID must seek to rebuild relationships with the executive it had officially not supported until recently, and to create new relationships with the new legislature. The process will require sensitivity on the part of all concerned." AID noted that those involved "must act quickly and in relative harmony to sustain what has been gained [since the 1990 elections]. This must also be accomplished within the atmosphere of strong nationalism, to avoid any sense of a donor or interest group being disruptive to what the rhetoric describes as 'the will of the people.' Change in the form of new programs and/or new structures must thus be sensitively undertaken, but soon." AID also stressed the importance of maintaining appearances of a non-partisan approach. Project materials stated, "Given sensitivities, this paper will not speculate on the political stance of the specific organizations discussed in subsequent sections [HAVA, CDRH, IHRED, etc.]. During implementation, however, the Project Committee will need to inform itself as to the political stance of an institution prior to and during any contemplated activities." AID's Background Assessment AID was "satisfied" with Haiti's 1987 Constitution and "does not propose any amendments or modifications" to the 1987 Constitution. AID wrote that "the absorptive capacity [of the National Assembly, CEP and local government bodies] is in question," and its analysis stated that most AID funding "is initially targeted at strengthening participatory organizations, e.g., the political parties and select organizations in the independent sector." Political parties and labor unions were identified as "meriting particular attention" for technical assistance and training, particularly groups which "channel constructive competition into more pluralistic endeavors." Regarding political parties, AID said that "the ability of a party to identify and nurture a broad base of constituents provides it the means to gain a plurality in Haiti's single member legislative elections. This will become more important in the 1992 and 1994 elections, which have no 'presidential strongman' to carry other candidates." To avoid direct funding to political parties by AID, "assistance through the intermediaries of NRI and NDI is indicated." Umbrella Management Unit (UMU) Roles in Democracy Enhancement The Umbrella Management Unit (UMU) component of AID's Democracy Enhancement Project was to be carried out through Cooperative Agreements with the US NGO consortiums led by ADF and Delphi. The three elements include: *Civil society development, consisting of sub-grants to 10 to 15 Haitian independent sector organizations; *Local government development, consisting of sub-grants to 2 to 3 Haitian independent sector organizations and activities to link local government and civil society interest groups; *Institutional development, with emphasis on developing plans for participating independent sector organizations to sustain their programs without AID funding. The five Haitian organizations identified as "of interest to the UMU" included: 1. CDRH (Human Resources Development Center), established by an AID grant to a US PVO in 1985 and now functioning a consulting firm focusing particularly on grassroots groups and local-level training and projects. CDRH has a staff of about 40 in Haiti, and well over half its funding comes from USAID. 2. IHRED (Haitian Institute for Research and Development), established by NED in 1985 [sic]. "IHRED is similar to CDRH but tends to work more at the level of rural professionals and elites." In addition to NED funds, IHRED received about $600,000 from AID between 1988 and early 1991, and now receives most of its money from AID. IHRED has a fulltime staff of 25. 3. Celebration 2004 was founded in 1986 by "17 young diaspora Haitians ... committed to positive and lasting change." It does local level motivation and training of mid-level professionals and leaders throughout Haiti and has received about $75,000 from AID through early 1991. Celebration 2004 has no fulltime salaried professional staff. 4. CHADEL (Haitian Center for Human Rights) has an annual budget of $120,000 - $130,000 and a fulltime staff of 18. [Note: the Director of CHADEL became the first prime minister of the coup regime.] 5. AHJ (Association of Haitian Journalists) was founded in 1955 and has been dominated by Duvalierists and a close association with the US Information Service (USIS) since its inception. It received $25,000 from AID for election activities, briefly operating a press center, but often has little money and no obvious means of ongoing financial support. These (and possibly other) organizations could receive UMU funds for four types of Institutional /Civil Society Development activity, including: Free and Independent Media: AHJ could receive funding for journalists identified by USIS to be trained by consultants identified by USIS, and possibly for short-term training in the US [emphasis added]. Training would focus on professional development, standards and ethics. Access to Justice: A new and separate AID project ("Administration of Justice") was to begin in 1992 to fund Haitian organizations (e.g., CHADEL) "actively involved in promoting individual's access to justice." Debate on Democratic Issues: "Think tank" organizations such as Centre Petion-Bolivar and HAVA may receive funds to expand their conferences and forums to wider audiences or more topics. Civic Education: Membership organizations such as Celebration 2004 and the Haitian Federation for Aid to Women (FHAH) may receive funds and other assistance to develop civic education materials "which promote democratic values and attitudes." Local Government Development activities were to involve AID providing funds to CASECs and Municipal Councils as soon as possible, channeling the money through CDRH and IHRED. AID planned continued monitoring of the situation for more extensive support to other local government entities in the future. CDRH and IHRED were to offer training and consulting assistance to new local government structures. The UMU tasks in the Local Government Development part of the Democracy Enhancement Project included: * Developing and maintaining contacts with Haitian legislators and executive branch personnel. * Maintaining contacts with and knowledge of evolving local government organizations (e.g., Association of Mayors). * Working closely with CDRH and IHRED to develop, monitor and evaluate training programs for CASECs and Municipal Councils in line with a recent AID "needs assessment" for Haiti. * Providing information and advice to AID in determining needs for potential short-term technical assistance in local government. * Organizing activities which facilitate linkage between civil society and local government. Other identified responsibilities of the UMU included maintaining close contact with other organizations working with other components of the Democracy Enhancement Project, including the Consortium for Legislative Development, the National Republican Institute (NRI), the National Democratic Institute (NDI), the Free Trade Union Institute (FTUI), and AID in Haiti. UMU was to provide advice and assistance to AID Mission on the "evolution of its democracy initiative," including responding to information and consultation requests from AID's Special Development Activities staff. Staffing of the UMU Component of Democracy Enhancement Project materials called for the UMU to have an office in Haiti and its staff to make "field trips to selected sub-grantee program locations." Key personnel included: Chief of Party/Democracy Advisor: a four-year position staffed in the U.S. by ADF. "This man's role will be especially important in assuring that institutions and activities funded promote values and attitudes which are in line with AID's definitions of democracy and the overall goals of the Democracy Enhancement Project." [Note: the Chief of Party position was filled by Ira Lowenthal, director of the Projet Integre pour le Renforcement de la Democratie en Haiti -- PIRED -- which began open operations in late 1992 as the Umbrella Management Unit.] Financial Management Specialist: a four-year position staffed in the U.S. by Datex, Inc. under subcontract to ADF. The position was reportedly to be filled by a diaspora Haitian who had been a Datex consultant to AID/Haiti for several years. The position involved supervision of four Haitian staffers, including a financial systems specialist, a controller, and two bookkeepers). Institutional Development Specialist: a two-year position staffed by EIL, reportedly by a man who had been working with EIL in New York for several years. This position involved supervision of two Haitian staffers (a training specialist and a program monitoring specialist), developing needs assessments for independent sector organizations, and developing plans for post-AID funding. Staff to be hired in Haiti included a training specialist, a program monitoring and evaluation specialist, a financial systems specialist, a controller, and support staff (two bookkeepers, one administrative assistant, two secretaries, three drivers, and guards). Total salary, fringe benefits, housing and other allowances for the three U.S. staff positions (including payments to the heads of the parent organizations) was $301,576 for the first year. Total salary for the 15 Haitian staff positions was $145,900 for the first year. (Fringe benefits and allowances were apparently not budgeted for Haitian staff). Established and Potential Funding to Haitian Groups FOS and OGITH receive AIFLD money for salaries, rent and electricity. The Democracy Enhancement project budgeted $500,000 for labor union support for two years, with more possible "if successes are documented," via an AIFLD grant through NED. Three alternatives were discussed if the AIFLD route "is deemed to be not appropriate": 1. UMU could work with the teachers' union (CNEH) to develop a proposal, providing a sub-grant for that work. AID noted that CNEH avoids aid from foreign governments and had turned down emergency funding from the European Community for that reason. AID suggested that CNEH could receive NED money through the American Federation of Teachers (AFT), "which is affiliated with AFL-CIO and therefore with FTUI." 2. AID could use "not elsewhere cited" short-term technical assistance for a 1 month to 6 week consultant "to develop a more detailed profile of the labor movement." 3. AIFLD "will continue to support a country representative and will continue to pay the staff salaries" of the groups it supports now. "Support for free and independent media": AID and USIS, in consultation with the Director of AHJ, identified "a number of possible types of intervention which would help strengthen AHJ and journalism in Haiti": o Through UMU sub-grant, pay for AHJ's rent, utilities, some equipment (photocopier, word processor, typewriter, generator, some furniture), and partial salaries for a limited period "to enable it to develop longer-term financial strategies." $2,000 - 2,500 per month in local currency. o UMU could provide short-term technical assistance to AHJ to develop a development plan, identifying potential resources in collaboration with USIS. In country and short-term overseas training for individual journalists and radio stations is suggested. Up to $100,000 US currency for short-term trainers and short-term US training, all managed by UMU on AHJ's behalf. Additional local currency for logistic support for training, managed by AHJ, up to $100,00 per year local currency. o AHJ could then apply for another UMU sub-grant for activities like overseas training. "Where expatriate trainers are required, these would be identified with assistance from USIS, paid directly by the UMU, but presented as member services from the AHJ. In all local activities, the AHJ would take the lead on logistics arrangements." "Access to justice": AID believed CHADEL "is interested in continuing support started under the Development of Democracy Project for radio spots." [Honorat] indicated to AID that CHADEL plans to establish 4 regional offices staffed by a director, a secretary and 2 monitors. "CHADEL could absorb $120,000 per year in sub-grants for an expanded program of radio spots..." AID suggested that CHAMID, the Catholic Church Committee on Justice and Peace, and other human rights organizations "should be actively sought out for participation" in the Democracy Enhancement project. Other groups mentioned are the Haitian Lawyers Committee and Amicale des Juristes, both in terms of training for paralegals. Centre Petion Bolivar was also discussed. Some funding comes through FAC and Latin American organizations, "but [CPB] is primarily linked to the Friedrich Ebert Foundation" from which it receives $ 50,000 per year. AID suggests that CPB be considered for UMU sub-grants to sponsor forums in regional centers and possibly videotape forums held in Port-au-Prince for broadcast in other areas. 2. Summary of AID Post-Coup Status Report to Congress A post-coup AID report to Congress entitled "Democracy Activities in Haiti" reported that three "Democracy Activities" were completed during FY 1991, with total funding of $13,124,411. The projects completed included the Development of Democracy Project, the Elections Management Assistance Project, and the Development of Civil Society Project. AID reported that "as prospects of a transition to democracy improved in mid-1990, AID initiated a more proactive strategy, focusing on support for the democratic initiatives and economic reactivation." The Democracy Enhancement Project, funded at $11,000,000 in Direct Assistance and $13,450,000 ESF-generated local currency in FYs 1991 to 1995, was described to Congress as designed "to expand and strengthen constitutional and autonomous private institutions which facilitate broad-based participation in democratic decision-making and respect for the Constitution." Program status as of the coup was presented as follows: o The needs assessment initiated by the Consortium for Legislative Development (CLD) in mid-1991 was interrupted by the coup. $904,000 in Direct Assistance and $3.5 million in ESF-generated local currency is available to CLD for work with both chambers of the National Assembly (Legislative Development component). o NDI and NRI signed cooperative agreements totalling $1 million in July and August 1991, but work had not begun and was suspended indefinitely (Legislative Development component). o $264,000 in technical assistance to the CEP was approved, but work was in the planning/design stage (CEP component). o AIFLD was granted $500,000 in Direct Assistance and $400,000 in ESF-generated local currency in June 1991 (Civil Society component). o ADF was "competitively selected in June 1991" to manage $2.5 million in Direct Assistance and $2.5 million in ESF-generated local currency to support Haitian NGOs (Civil Society component). o ADF was also selected to manage $1 million in Direct Assistance and $5.7 million in ESF-generated local currency for local government and economic efforts; final implementation planning was interrupted by the coup (Local Government component). o Expenditures during the coup included up to $180,000 monthly to ADF, estimated $20,000 monthly to AIFLD, $11,000 monthly to two "resident hire Americans" providing technical assistance to ADF and AIFLD, and $1,500 monthly to AID for storage of CEP radio equipment and computers. AID reported the "Proposed Democracy Portfolio following the Restoration of Democracy" as follows: o Expand ADF and AIFLD current activities. o Reactivate cooperative agreements with CLD, NDI, and NRI; reactivate ADF's local government cooperative agreement. o Provide technical assistance to CEP, return radio and computer equipment. o Finalize design and implement $7 million Administration of Justice project, which will include training for central judicial personnel, paralegal training for local leaders and grassroots groups (through IHRED and Amicale des Juristes), printing and distribution of documents such as legal codes, adaptation of legal codes and procedures, and public information, education and justice monitoring. Finally, AID "will seek to reinforce its Democracy Portfolio through relevant, supportive interventions in key sectors." Specific examples included a policy/administrative reform project, integration of a democracy curriculum into all public and private school systems at all levels, and "small self-help, special development activities and food programs [which] would include components emphasizing local group empowerment." 3. Summary of AID September 1993 Status Report A two-page report entitled "USAID/Haiti Democracy Factsheet" and dated September 2, 1993 reported that the total AID-approved funding for the five-year Democracy Enhancement Project was $11 million. Project status in the areas of assistance to civil society, the National Assembly, political parties, local government, and the CEP is summarized as follows. [Note: see section 5 below for background on groups appearing in bold type.] Assistance to Civil Society "With the specific objective of strengthening the independent sector, support is awarded to Haitian organizations that seek to improve the environment for democracy. USAID supports two grants in the area of civil society:" American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD): "Established in Haiti since the 1980's, AIFLD works in partnership with the Haitian Trade Union Movement. They believe that strong and democratic unions are necessary to give voice to the legitimate demands of the workers."... "Activities include: leadership training, seminars on mediation and organizing techniques." America's Development Foundation (ADF): Through the Projet Integre pour le Renforcement de la Democratie en Haiti (PIRED), $5 million in "technical and financial assistance" is provided to "eligible Haitian NGOs which work to promote human rights, free and independent media, democratic debate and civic education." Currently funded NGOs include L'Amicale des Juristes ($564,000), the Centre Oecumenique pour les Droits Humains (CDEH, $300,000), and Foundation Developpement et Democratie (FONDEM, $190,000 for 6 months program to promote "tolerance and nonviolence"). Assistance to the National Assembly "Legislative development aims to develop and upgrade skills of parliamentarians and their staff" through two American organizations, the Congressional Human Rights Foundation and the Center for Democracy. The former "will conduct international parliamentarian fact-finding delegations with the Haitian parliament." The latter, "well known for its efforts in facilitating Haitian delegations to the U.S.," could provide "in-country orientation seminars, orientation tours to visit U.S. legislative bodies; and an assessment of training and equipment needs." Assistance to Political Parties "The strengthening of political participatory institutions is especially important." The National Democratic Institute and the International Republican Institute each received $800,000. NDI "will promote the consolidation of democracy in Haiti by assisting Haiti's civilian and military leaders to develop mechanisms to integrate the Armed Forces of Haiti in to civilian society" and "proposes to establish a broad civil-military relations program with senior members of the Haitian government." IRI (NRI) will "provide technical assistance to support democratic and issue-based parties by institutionally strengthening at least ten Haitian political parties over a four-year period." Assistance to Local Government "Funds will be made available through the America's Development Foundation to support and strengthen the management and administrative capacity of local, elected government bodies and assist them with decentralized economic development efforts." Assistance to the Permanent Electoral Council (CEP) "Funds are available for technical assistance to the CEP to establish a permanent electoral registry and to revise electoral logistical processes." 4. Background on Key U.S. Groups The organizations described below are funded wholly or predominantly by U.S. tax dollars, despite their description as "private voluntary organizations." Democracy Enhancement Consortium Leaders * America's Development Foundation (ADF) ADF was founded in 1980 as a tax-exempt, charitable NGO for the "support, operation, or advancement of scientific, educational, social and economic development and other charitable objectives" worldwide. Although clearly required by its charter to be nongovernmental, nonpolitical and nonpartisan, "ADF's development projects have been financially supported by the U.S. Agency for International Development (AID) and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), organizations with definite political agendas." Since 1987, ADF programs have focused on "democracy-building." Among the countries in which ADF has conducted programs are Nicaragua, El Salvador, the Philippines and Haiti. ADF received over $600,000 in 1988 and 1989 for anti-Sandinista activities. (Resource Center GroupWatch Profile) ADF's President is Michael D. Miller, who holds a BA in Politics and Economics (University of Alabama, 1963) and MA in Government (Georgetown University, 1968). He was a Navy officer from 1964 to 1968, served as an advisor to W.R. Grace and Company in New York from 1968 to 1970, and was Vice President of the Council of the Americas in Washington from 1970 to 1977. Miller held the position of Executive Vice President of the Pan American Development Foundation from 1977 to 1980, when he founded ADF with Basilio Liacuris, Richard Salvatierra, John H. Bush, and Jack Heller. * Delphi International The Delphi International Group was founded in Washington in 1980 as a consortium of both nonprofit and for-profit consulting firms. Delphi played a major role in NED's democracy intervention in Nicaragua, taking over management of the anti-Sandinista La Prensa paper in 1986. (La Prensa was previously run by the NED-funded PRODEMCA, run with by Richard Miller and Spitz Channell (see IHRED profile, below) with money from Oliver North's clandestine network; PRODEMCA's funding was withdrawn when it ran pro-Contra ads in U.S. papers. Delphi took over the project at that point.) Henry Quintero, former Executive Director of the Institute for North South Issues (INSI; see IHRED profile below) ran that and other Delphi programs in Nicaragua. Delphi also channeled NED money to the rightwing Radio Corporacion and other radio stations, and supported various youth and women's projects designed to undermine the Sandinista government. Delphi has regional offices in several countries and runs U.S. government-funded projects all over the world. Henry Quintero worked as an intelligence research specialist for the U.S. Army, State Department and USIA before his INSI and Delphi positions. He later joined the staff of the NED-funded International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) to administer NED grants to Via Civica in Nicaragua. ADF's Groups ADF's open democracy enhancement activities are conducted by two groups in Haiti, IHRED and the more recently-formed PIRED. *Institut International d' Haiti de la Recherche et du Developpment (Haitian Institute for Research and Development, IHRED) IHRED was founded in 1986 with a $100,247 grant from NED channeled through the Institute for North South Issues (INSI). INSI was a "non-profit" NED-funded organization founded in the early 1980's by Richard Miller, Henry Quintero and Frank Gomez, and dissolved when the Iran-Contra hearings clarified its role as a channel for illegal funds. (Richard Miller and Spitz Channell also ran International Business Communications, which like INSI laundered money for the Contras. Miller entered a guilty plea for conspiring with Oliver North.) IHRED's founding and current director, Leopold Berlanger, met in Washington and Port-au-Prince with INSI's Frank Gomez, who submitted the first grant for IHRED to NED in December 1985. According to the Iran-Contra Congressional Report (September 1988), Frank Gomez was a ground-floor figure at the State Department's Office of Public Diplomacy, dissolved based on GAO's finding that it engaged in illegal propaganda directed against the U.S. media, public and Congress. The report stated that "Gomez participated in activities designed to influence the media and public to support the President's Latin American policies, including sophisticated television ad campaigns that were targeted at Members of Congress who were not supportive of the President's Central American policy. Many of these activities were by design covert." [Note: IHRED's founding by Gomez was contemporaneous with these activities.] IHRED's original NED funding was approved in January 1986. Gomez administered the project until ADF took over the IHRED program in April 1987. IHRED's founding materials described the organization as providing colloquia, civic and voter education and materials, training for journalists, and public opinion polls, with the "enthusiastic support" of the U.S. embassy in Port-au-Prince. An NED annual report stated, "IHRED is building an information bank on various critical issues that will provide a basis for research on solutions to national problems." IHRED has continued to receive NED and AID funds over the years. * Projet Integre pour le Renforcement de la Democratie en Haiti (PIRED) PIRED is the UMU of the Democracy Enhancement Project. It describes itself as "one component of USAID/Haiti's Democracy Enhancement Project (521-0236), designed in 1991, in support of the Republic of Haiti's fledgling democracy. Its specific mandate is to implement a program of assistance to both the independent sector (i.e., civil society) and local government. PIRED is being implemented by a U.S.-based consortium led by America's Development Foundation (ADF), a non-profit private voluntary organization (PVO) headquartered in Alexandria, Virginia and specializing in democracy promotion worldwide." PIRED is directed by Ira Lowenthal, an anthropologist who has reportedly worked on numerous AID projects over the years. Other U.S. Groups American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD) Although theoretically an AFL-CIO organization, AIFLD receives over 95% of its known funding from the U.S. government and only 5% from labor or business sources. AIFLD has a long and well-documented history of organizing new trade unions or taking over existing ones such that the unions fall under direct or indirect control of the CIA. Since AIFLD is not technically a government agency, however, it is not subject to Congressional oversight or the Freedom of Information Act. The full extent of AIFLD funding is said to be known only by high-level U.S. intelligence officers. AIFLD operates in over 20 countries, with special focus on Latin America. A 1975 article about AIFLD described its covert operations as beginning with information gathering from overt programs, such as housing programs which provide data on workers occupying particular developments. AIFLD builds U.S. intelligence-controlled infrastructures of labor leaders, identification of whom has reportedly been an ongoing emphasis in AIFLD training programs in both Latin America and Washington. Center for Democracy (CFD) CFD was established in 1984 to "promote the democratic process in U.S. and abroad," headed by Allen Weinstein. Weinstein had headed the American Political Foundation, the group which organized "The Democracy Project" which proposed creation of the "private" government-funded National Endowment for Democracy. Weinstein helped draft the legislation creating NED in 1983 and was its first president. In that context he stated, "A lot of what we do today was done covertly 25 years ago by the CIA." Weinstein left APF the following year to found CFD, which has been funded by AID and NED ever since. Weinstein has been described as "the dean of covert operators."CFD maintains offices in Boston, Washington, Guatemala City, and Strasbourg. Many of its activities have focused on Central America, although it maintains the Strasbourg office as "a liaison presence" in Eastern Europe. In Nicaragua, CFD established itself in a decidedly more permanent fashion than the other 3,000-plus international observers invited to observe the 1990 elections, opening an office in Managua in mid-1989 with $75,000 from NED and $250,000 from AID. The office was directed by Caleb McCarry, was implicated in provocation of a pre-election violent incident, and like other NED organizations, was widely seen as a top conduit of support to the UNO party. Free Trade Union Institute (FTUI) FTUI was founded in 1978 as the European branch of AFL-CIO's Department of International Affairs, and until NED's creation was a relatively inactive recreation of the postwar CIA-affiliated Free Trade Union Committee. After 1983, FTUI became NED's core grantee for labor projects, channeling most of its money through its regional affiliates AIFLD, the African-American Labor Center, and the Asian-American Free Labor Center. FTUI's affiliates are known for supporting conservative unions which promote the interests of U.S. businesses, often unions created by the AFL-CIO's institutes to draw support away from unions which place workers' interests before those of foreign businesses. In some cases -- such as AIFLD -- ample documentation exists linking FTUI's regional institutes with CIA operations. FTUI dispensed some $35 million in NED monies between 1984 and 1988. International Republican Institute (IRI) and National Democratic Institute (NDI) IRI (formerly NRI, or National Republican Institute) and NDI are two of the four NED "core grantees" through which NED democracy intervention funds are channeled. Both were established on the recommendation of the American Political Foundation's Democracy Program (see Center for Democracy) and were incorporated in April 1983 but not funded until receiving NED money the following year. The staff and directors of both groups form an interlocking network with NED and its array of grantees. NDI and IRI focus on "party building" activities such as technical assistance, seminars, research and polls, civic education and voter drives. IRI funds conservative and rightwing think tanks, research institutes and civic organizations. United States Information Agency (USIA) Known abroad as the United States Information Service (USIS), USIA is the formal propaganda service of the U.S. government. National Security Action Memo No. 124 (1-18-62) stressed coordination among USIA, AID, CIA, the Pentagon and the State Department in waging political warfare, including psychological warfare operations, civic action, economic assistance, agrarian reform and military assistance as the primary weapons. USIA funds founded NED in 1983. Based on its research, USIA selects propaganda themes, determines target audiences, and develops comprehensive country plans for media manipulation. The CIA often uses USIA to plant information abroad, which is then picked up by U.S. media. In our next installment we will analyze the recipients of these grants. Or you could easily research this yourself, <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/">www.ctrl.org</A> DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER ========== CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. 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