-Caveat Lector-
RadTimes # 74 - October, 2000
An informally produced compendium of vital irregularities.
"We're living in rad times!"
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Contents:
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--Police, Protests, and People's Power
--Eating The Greens [Sony v. environmentalists]
--Update on Josh Harper [was: FBI nabs 'anarchist' fugitive--RT #57]
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Begin stories:
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Police, Protests, and People's Power
Building Communities of Resistance
From Turning the Tide v13 n3
by Michael Novick <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
The smoke has cleared, figuratively speaking, from the Republican and
Democratic Party conventions in Philadelphia and Los Angeles. With, if not
the whole world, then at least a substantial audience watching, major
demonstrations were held on successive days at both venues; both cities
were subjected to a virtual state of siege by local and state police
forces. Philadelphia and even more so Los Angeles were marked by
significant participation in the protests by local people, young people and
people of color, especially as compared with the prior Seattle and DC
protests targeting corporate globalization.
In Philadelphia, more so than L.A., police resorted to pre-emptive raids,
mass arrests and violence. However, a massive legal unity march in
Philadelphia was unmolested, and the Kensington Welfare Rights Union led a
second, non-permitted march which defied police pressure and threats to
carry out its protest rally successfully. However, for the August 1 RNC
actions targeting the criminal justice system, including police brutality,
the death penalty and the case of Mumia Abu-Jamal, the Philly cops took the
gloves off.
Armed with fraudulent "intelligence" from private right wing
counter-insurgency guru John Rees, the police raided the puppet-making
center. They picked up people on the street, such as an organizer with the
Ruckus Society, whose crime was talking on a cell phone, and held them for
astronomical bails. They made mass arrests and held people under inhumane
conditions, and resisted campaigns to drop or lower the charges.
By comparison, in Los Angeles, the police concentrated on a show of force,
making relatively few arrests. The L.A. cops maintained hands off a large,
spirited rally for Mumia Abu-Jamal the day before the Democratic Convention
opened, but pulled the plug on a legal, permitted evening unity rally the
first night that featured Rage Against the Machine and Ozomatli. On the
pretext of some Black Bloc-ers tossing empty water bottles over the 14-foot
fence that surrounded Staples Center, the cops issued an order to 15,000
people to disperse, then with horses drove back into the protest area those
who actually tried to leave.
The cops unleashed a barrage of flash-bangs, pepper spray and 'rubber'
bullets, shooting people in the head, the back and the chest, sending
homeless organizer Ted Hayes to the hospital, shooting up numerous
clearly-marked legal observers, and both on that first night and in
subsequent confrontations, targeting media personnel. The police attempted
to cover this action up by simultaneously shutting down the nearby
Independent Media Center, which was scheduled to uplink its uncensored
coverage to a satellite, on the flimsy pretext of a (non-existent) bomb threat.
A number of law suits resulted, but more significantly, two major actions
were carried out on Wednesday August 16 despite the police effort to
intimidate protestors. One, a civil disobedience action directed at police
brutality, briefly shut the scandal-ridden LAPD Rampart Division station.
The second, a march and rally opposing police brutality, mass incarceration
and the death penalty, and calling for freedom for all political prisoners,
drew thousands to Pershing Square and marched on Parker Center, LAPD
headquarters, flanked by as many thousands of cops.
People around downtown, especially those from Latin American countries that
had lived under police states, watched with looks of shame, fear and
amazement at this domestic recreation of a state of siege. But
demonstrators refused to be intimidated. A youth march headed back through
downtown to Staples Center, where the police tried to split the
demonstrators up, trapping some inside the expanded protest pit where the
police attack had taken place on Monday night.
A televised stand-off ensued, from which the cops eventually stood down.
The protesters got their comrades back from behind the police lines. Some
marched off to MacArthur Park, near the Direct Action Network Convergence
Center; others marched back to Pershing Square for an impromptu wrap-up
open mike gathering.
On the final night, protesters again defied police orders to stage an
unpermitted march through downtown to the Twin Towers central men's jail
run by the L.A. sheriffs, where some hundred-odd protesters who had been
arrested at a series of rallies, including animal rights activists,
defenders of the Uwa in Colombia, and Critical Mass bike-riders, as well as
those who carried out the CD action at Rampart, were carrying out jail
solidarity. A vigil was maintained outside the jail through the week until
the City Attorney agreed to lower the charges to infractions and release
the demonstrators for time served. A few cases remain, including felony
charges against a neighborhood youth whom the cops claim tossed a bottle at
them when they set up a skirmish line outside the Convergence Center.
(Under a federal court order enjoining them from preemptively entering the
Center, the LAPD could not emulate their Philadelphia peers, and withdrew
after baring their teeth).
What can we learn about the state of our movement, the political strength
of the forces of repression and exploitation, and about the necessary
directions and steps by which to move forward?
THE STATE OF THE STATE
First, a clear understanding of how to view the police repression is
necessary. It certainly felt true, marching through downtown L.A.
surrounded by cops, to chant, "This is what a police state looks like!"
However, we should be clear that the police were in fact operating under
significant legal and political constraints.
They had massive personnel, vast quantities of equipment providing a
stunning visual manifestation of the extent of militarization of the police
that has steadily escalated on a national level during the Clinton years
but except for Monday night, they did not have the marching orders for
unrestrained violence. In point of fact, day in and day out, those
thousands of cops are deployed around the city, particularly in communities
of color and they have relative carte blanche still to use brutality and
deadly force to carry out their mission of serving the wealthy and
protecting the capitalist-colonialist system. The violence and abuse they
did carry out against demonstrators must be understood in the context of
that larger dynamic.
The LAPD was hoping to rehabilitate its tarnished reputation and rebuild
its coalition of political support with its actions during the DNC. Its
inability to do so on its own terms can be measured by the fact that in the
wake of the new violence during the DNC, the Mayor, police chief and City
Council finally and reluctantly caved in and agreed to reach a consent
decree with the Justice Department. This calls for federal court oversight
and an outside monitor to supervise LAPD compliance with a series of
reforms to overcome a 'pattern and practice' of racism and civil rights
violations.
It does not diminish the seriousness of the complaints and suits being
brought against the LAPD for their handling of the demonstrations to
recognize that they must be taken up in the context of an ongoing struggle
against police racism and brutality and for community control of the
police. This is equally true in Philadelphia.
The Philly PD and the LAPD have proven themselves to be thoroughly corrupt,
violent, racist institutions with blood on their hands, yet they continue
to enjoy the political support of the political, corporate and civic elites
in their cities. It is this support which we must challenge by splitting
off the mass base of people, even in communities of color and certainly in
more privileged areas, who will always give the cops 'the benefit of the
doubt.' We must continue to expose the systemic nature of police abuse and
racism.
We must alert people to the inadequacy of elite 'reforms' such as the
DOJ-LAPD consent decree and 'community policing,' actually an aspect of
police militarization in that it is the application to domestic law
enforcement of the military's use of psychological operations to control
the thinking of a population or enemy. And finally, we must redouble our
efforts to build a grassroots base for direct action against police
brutality, to exert community control of the police through such mechanisms
as Copwatch vigilance against police abuse.
THE STATE OF THE MOVEMENT
What do the Philadelphia and Los Angeles demonstrations tell us about the
state of our movements? First of all, we are a movement of protestors no
shame in that, in fact it is a significant positive development that a
consciousness of opposition and resistance to imperialism and its ugly
realities is taking root in a new generation. Compare the relatively feeble
and unnoticed protests against the Republican and Democratic Conventions
four years ago to the rousing and numerous rallies, the convergence of
organizers and themes this year, to see how far we have come.
But let that be the vantage point from which we can see more clearly how
much farther we have to go. We need to develop into organizers, to sink
organic roots. In the context of US society, this means a much more
concerted attack on white supremacy, capitalism and colonialism their
institutionalized manifestations and their internalization within the
movements and within exploited and oppressed people.
Second, we can see that our movements have made some progress in overcoming
weaknesses that must be overcome if we are to move forward. Although L.A.
and Philly had much stronger and more visible participation and leadership
from people of color, the central organizing coalitions still had many of
the same weaknesses, based in a white left, that were manifested in Seattle
and D.C. protests against the WTO and the IMF.
What some complained about as a 'lack of focus' in the L.A. demonstrations
was in fact a partly successful effort to broaden out to demands that
reflected the impact of the empire on communities of color and working
people in the U.S. However, this forward motion was definitely incomplete.
The culture of the meetings, the centers and the protest rallies themselves
is still comfortable only for a relatively narrow sector. More
significantly, the demands that are raised and the unities that are reached
rarely strike out squarely and unequivocally against racism or colonialism,
nor are they based on the self-determination and leadership of oppressed
people. Thus, one of the most significant protests in L.A. was hardly
noticed or supported by the "official" coalitions and media activists a
Black-initiated and led rally for reparations on Tuesday morning.
Moreover, as the movement does grow, the ills of sectarianism and
vanguardism reinforced by a racism that refuses to recognize or support
the need for autonomous self-determined leadership and organizing by
communities of color come into sharp focus. In both Philadelphia and L.A.
(and in nearby DNC organizing committees such as San Diego), the
International Socialist Organization attempted to substitute its cadre
operation for the egalitarian and democratic consensus mechanisms of the
burgeoning protest movement. They burrowed into outreach committees, using
contacts obtained for building the protests for purposes of recruiting new
cadre and candidates for their own organization.
Philadelphia activists were especially critical of an ISO "affinity group"
which reneged on its commitment to diversionary support work in the face of
police attack. In L.A., ISO cadre preempted the organized monitoring of the
Thursday night protest and used their self-proclaimed status to try to
isolate and provoke anarchist members of the Black Bloc.
In both Philadelphia and L.A., the RCP played a sectarian role around
demonstrations focused on the criminal justice system. In Philadelphia,
Refuse and Resist did an end run around a previously called and building
coalition for direct action and non-violent civil disobedience initiated by
NY-DAN. In L.A., RCP cadre from within the October 22nd Coalition attempted
to hijack the protest against the criminal injustice system. The RCP and
PLP engaged in a protracted sectarian struggle, turning many independent
people off to the coalition meetings.
Even more significantly, the RCP led in at first opposing raising the
demand to free political prisoners. While they later reversed themselves,
they persisted throughout in trying to reduce the action to a protest
against police brutality, a "launching pad for October 22nd" as they
repeatedly called it. The political basis of this is a rejection of
self-determination for Black, Chicano-Mexicano, Asian and Native people.
Although the demonstration was ultimately fairly successful, its potential
was never fully realized because of the RCP's hegemonic strategy.
Significant Black and Chicano-Mexicano forces were put off from
participation, and the RCP succeeded in alienating prison activists that
attempted to participate by insisting on its formulations about prisons.
RCP reduced the issue to a subset of police brutality and
'criminalization,' while ignoring all the concrete issues of repression of
prisoners and their families, mass incarceration, and prison labor and
privatization that have been motivating prisoners and their families into
building a new mass movement.
Another key factor was that the RCP continued right through the
demonstration to posture about what kind of action or resistance it was
going to engage in. It insisted on a separate 'youth' march called under
the auspices of the Youth Student Network of October 22nd (which in
practice proved indistinguishable from the overall coalition from which it
intended to split off) so that it could put out provocative rhetoric and
preserve its 'revolutionary' credentials.
Sectarianism was not restricted to those two groups of course. The attitude
of the central D2KLA Coalition towards the August 16 March for Justice
Coalition which included the RCP was problematic at best. There were
problems of red-baiting and animosity towards the socialist and communist
left within what purported to be a united front the D2KLA
coalition/network was unfortunately neither fish nor fowl; not a
traditional coalition with a clear, defined unity, organizational structure
and leadership, not the free-flowing, consensus-seeking organic direct
democracy of Seattle.
Had the overall coalition united more enthusiastically with its own call
for a day of action focused on criminal injustice issues, there would have
been a chance to build a coalition for that day large enough and broad
enough that the RCP would have been only one minor player, less capable of
packing meetings and whipsawing other participants. But the D2KLA network
stayed closer to the 'fair trade' and anti-corporate themes that it started
with and felt less invested in a demonstration against the racist impact of
the organs of state repression.
There was also a major weakness evidenced by some of the participants and
organizers to fall in with a stigmatization or even a criminalization of
more militant protesters, particularly self-professed anarchists and
members of the Black Bloc. This was less pronounced in L.A. where issues of
property destruction were virtually non-existent but the expressed opinion
of people from Ruckus and other organizations, attempting to distinguish
themselves from 'violent' protesters who were apparently 'deserving' of
arrest was a manifestation of class and national/racial privilege. One
thing L.A. made perfectly clear, in the wake of Seattle, DC, and
Philadelphia is that 'violence' is still very much a monopoly of the state,
and it is this police state apparatus and military defending the empire
which is the main source of violence, including the violence of hunger,
sweated labor, and prison.
WHAT IS TO BE DONE?
Finally, what can we learn about the direction and strategies our movement
must embark on to overcome these weaknesses and take further advantages of
the contradictions the state and the ruling elite find themselves in?
Above all, we must get beyond mobilization mode. Maintaining an endless
stream of reactive protests to one elite institution after another is a
recipe for disaster, burn-out, and creating a free-floating and rootless
culture of protest that will ultimately prove powerless against the
imperialist system. We have gathered forces to begin to go beyond that.
Much more so in communities of color than among white leftists, student
radicals and anarchist counter-cultural scenes, revolutionary-minded
organizers are sinking roots in grassroots communities and in workplaces.
Anti-racist Euro-Americans must identify the lower working class sectors
of white people and youth in high schools and colleges who are prepared to
unite with oppressed people.
There are a number of issues around which anti-racists must begin to
develop community-rooted, community-accountable organizations that respond
to anti-imperialist leadership from organizers of color. Certainly issues
around the criminal justice system are one such nexus. A significant
development of the August 1 actions in Philadelphia and the August 16 rally
in L.A. is that they linked together questions of police brutality, prisons
and mass incarceration, the death penalty, and the struggle to free
political prisoners. The organic, real world connections among these issues
means that uniting efforts around them should strengthen our ability to
make gains on all of them.
There is in fact a similar dynamic at play around all four issues. The
release of the Puerto Rican prisoners, the growing movement for Mumia, the
momentum for Peltier's freedom, make it clear that there has been a
significant massification of the struggle to free political prisoners.
Similarly, sentiment against the death penalty has been growing far and
wide in the population. Mass incarceration has made prison issues a mass
question. And ugly examples of police brutality, as well as exposures of
racial profiling and police criminality and murders that won't again, have
made the struggle against police abuse one of the hottest political
questions in city after city, even if the presidential candidates are
virtually silent (except to announce their support of or claim support from
the cops).
What's more, the inter-connection of these issues is educating people
broadly about the nature of this system. People who see that the
imprisonment of freedom fighters like Geronimo ji Jaga is what gave the
system the capacity to go from locking up 200,000 people to penning
2,000,000 see a clear interest in freeing political prisoners. People who
understand that the mistreatment and interminable sentences that were once
reserved for political dissident and revolutionary soldiers is now the
order of the day for tens of thousands of social prisoners can be drawn
into community based organizing that goes beyond a call to conscience.
At the same time, around all these issues, the state is making it clear
that it will not yield. Democrats like Gray Davis or Republicans like Tom
Ridge, Gore or Bush at the presidential level persist in supporting more
and better-armed cops, swifter executions, bigger prisons as a strategy for
maintaining social control and political support. Unless we persevere, go
farther and deeper in building effective resistance, the forces of
repression will regain momentum and the upper hand on these issues.
We need to recognize where people are at in order to move further. For
instance, the demonstrations at the Republican Convention were generally
speaking, either larger or more militant than the corresponding ones at the
Democratic Convention. This was not due to the relative qualities of the
organizers or the geographic location of the two cities, but because
significant sectors of the communities that should form the base of a
protest movement are in fact wedded to the Democratic Party.
This was certainly true of organized labor, which was inside the DNC rather
than on the streets, in the main, and is also true of substantial portions
of communities of color. To denounce the labor bureaucrats and the
sell-out, vende-patria politicians is useless without patient grass-roots
organizing and base-building for direct community based action on the
issues that matter to people education and the schools, decent housing,
food and health care, and end to police brutality not to raise demands on
the system or requests to the politicos, but to build the community power
of working and oppressed people that can begin to remake the world from below.
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Eating The Greens
Electronics Giants Such As Sony Are Using The Internet To Hit Back
At Troublesome Eco-Warriors
Published on Sunday, October 1, 2000 in the London Observer
by Burhan Wazir
Sony Corporation's products are the stuff of the Zeitgeist of the consumer
age. Walkmans, Discmans, laptops and most recently WAP phones, marketed to
the dance generation, have let Sony promote itself - despite the scale of
its operations - as the funky face of global enterprise.
There have, of course, been a few hiccups in the company's glossy corporate
image - notably George Michael's highly publicised and successful
extrication from his Sony recording contract, amid accusations of Sony's
suits stifling and bullying the creative urge. But it has done little to
take the shine off a generation's favourite manufacturer. In Prague last
week the eco-warriors weren't stomping their Walkmans. Anti-capitalist
activists carried placards lambasting McDonald's, but it is the sort of
stick Sony has avoided.
All that is likely to change, however, as news gets around that the
entertainment and technology giant advocates spying on eco-friendly groups
who criticise those same sleek, ergonomic lines on its products.
It sounds like something out of a futuristic dystopia. It is also true.
Earlier this summer, to representatives of the European Information and
Communications Technology Industry Association in Brussels, Andrew Baynes,
project manager at Sony International (Europe), made Sony's pitch against
eco-activism. Sony's problem with the greenies is this: its products
contain toxins and are difficult to dispose of. Environmentalists would
like tougher controls. Sony wants to avoid them.
Its strategy is outlined in a leaked paper currently doing the rounds of
the alternative internet community. Titled 'NGO Strategy', it bears all the
Cold War histrionics of J. Edgar Hoover's G-Men. The document discloses the
names, contacts and internet addresses of leading environmental groups that
pose a public relations threat to the company - the Northern Alliance for
Sustainability, Greenpeace, the European Environment Bureau, the Silicon
Valley Toxics Coalition and Friends of the Earth.
The electronics industry, including Sony, has been fighting efforts by
environmentalists who would prefer the manufacturers to take responsibility
for environmental and health hazards of product disposal. In the EU, these
efforts have culminated in the European Commission Directive on Waste from
Electrical and Electronic Equipment - or WEEE. The proposed law would force
manufacturers such as Sony to take financial responsibility for managing
their products throughout their life cycle, a period that includes
disposal. Compulsory targets for collection will be set in 2006 - when
between 70 and 90 per cent by weight of all collected equipment must be
recycled or re-used. The directive would further propose the phasing out by
2008 of mercury, lead, cadmium and other toxic chemicals commonly used by
the electronics industry.
The cost to the electronics industry could be astronomical. And since the
European legislation surfaced several years ago, the American Electronic
Association - an industrial umbrella organisation for more than 3,000
companies, including IBM, Microsoft, Motorola and Intel - has launched a
major offensive against extended producer responsibility. The AEA says the
legislation contradicts World Trade Organisation code.
Sony's presentation makes for sobering reading - after three global
demonstrations in the last year, are NGOs still to be characterised as
subversive operatives? 'NGO Activity to watch out for!' reads page five -
with added links to literature published online by Friends of the Earth and
Greenpeace. The environmental organisations are further identified as
'highly active' and 'well organised' with a 'global reach'.
'Don't wait!!' is the mandate from the Sony report to company personnel.
Sony's recommendation is the hiring of corporate press officers as rapid
reaction units. And the preparation of industry-wide template responses -
as opposed to the dribs and drabs of contradicting information usually
associated with press offices.
So far, you might think, Sony's is the response indicative of any corporate
behemoth facing the prospect of having to take responsibility for its
products. But then follows the punch line. The presentation suggests the
electronics industry employ 'web investigation agencies' as a solution to
pesky online critics. London-based Infonic Plc are the web snoops
recommended by Sony.
Infonic's website is a defiant call to arms for blue-chip companies
besieged by online activists following the swell of protests in Seattle,
Washington and, more recently, Prague. 'Suddenly a company's voice is no
longer louder than that of its leading critics. Activists, customers,
journalists and employees are talking to each other like never before, with
big business finding it increasingly difficult to stay in the conversation.'
The internet detectives boast few morals in terms of the clients they take
on. Infonic first rose to prominence when the company was hired by Shell
International to decipher the internet as a barometer for public opinion in
the aftermath of Greenpeace's victorious occupation of the Brent Spar oil
platform in 1995. Other clients featured on the company website include
British Airways, Levis Strauss & Co and Unilever.
The use of internet trawlers like Infonic to specifically monitor NGOs sets
a precedent in the commercial sector. The monitoring of internet-friendly
activists has, in recent years, taken on an alarming momentum. The Big
Brother of internet investigation agencies, America's E:Watch, helps more
than 800 of the world's largest corporations keep track of their
reputations across cyberspace. A watchful eye on the antics of corporate
protesters, naturally, is a priority. E:Watch clients include the H. J.
Heinz company and Northwest Airlines. 'You'll hear rumours before they
start to spread,' assures its website. 'You'll be among the first to find
out about negative or inaccurate information - instead of the last.'
Commercial companies using internet detectives to snoop around the websites
of their detractors? It sounds like an alarming development in the
information war. Until now, the activities of protest groups have
traditionally been monitored by governmental agencies. Last May, the
Paris-based 'Intelligence Newsletter' reported that reserve units from US
Army Intelligence were deployed to monitor the 16-18 April protests against
the IMF and World Bank in Washington. 'The Pentagon sent around 700 men
from the Intelligence and Security Command at Fort Belvoir, Virginia, to
assist the Washington police on 17 April, including specialists in human
and signals intelligence,' the report said.
According to the newsletter, activist files are being circulated via the
Regional Information Sharing System, a networked database used by 5,300 law
enforcement agencies in the US, the FBI, the US Drug Enforcement
Administration, the Internal Revenue Service, the Secret Service, US
Customs and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms. The activities of
anarchic groups detailed by RISS include findings on Greenpeace, the
American Indian Movement and the Zapatista National Liberation Front.
Sony's advocacy of Infonic, on the face of it, might not amount to anything
more than a smear campaign against the likes of Greenpeace and Friends of
the Earth. But environmental organisations that rely on funding for
survival could find themselves crippled in the face of unsubstantiated
rumours. 'People on the boards of foundations are very much part of the
establishment,' says Iza Kruszewska, spokesperson for the Northern Alliance
for Sustainability. 'Big corporations hold a powerful sway over their
opinions on funding NGOs.'
The nervous shiver that characterises the language employed by the Sony
report has been met with mild bemusement by the various environmental
organisations named within its pages. California's Silicon Valley Toxic
Coalition employs no more than 14 staffers at its San Jose offices.
'There's little need for web investigation agencies,' laughs Ted Smith, its
executive director. 'We're hardly a Fortune 500 company. If they want to
know anything about us, all Sony has to do is read our website.'
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Update on Josh Harper
> Dear Supporters,
>
> As many of you may have heard, I was arrested on a
> warrant September 27 by agents from the FBI, US
> Marshalls office, and local police. The warrant
> stemmed from my refusal to appear before a grand jury
> convened in Portland investigating the actions of the
> Animal and Earth Liberation Fronts.
>
> I was taken to a federal detention center and was
> expecting to be transported to Portland to await
> trial. Then, last Friday, a small miracle happened.
> The prosecutor in Portland and the one in Washington
> both tried to block me from getting bail. Federal
> agents were flown in to convince the magistrate not to
> release me, but due to overwhelming support from the
> animal, environmental, and anarchist communities I was
> released on bail! The court room was overflowing with
> supporters, and they managed to raise more than the
> amount needed for my bail in less than 20 minutes! I
> am overwhelmed by the generosity of everyone who
> helped me, and can not begin to express my gratitude.
>
> Now that I am on the outside again I am preparing
> to fight the charge of criminal contempt. It is not
> likely that I will win however, and chances are fair
> that I will be spending at least a year in federal
> prison, possibly more.
>
> We must first put this in perspective. The crime I
> am accused of basically amounts to missing a court
> date. So why such a serious penalty? I say it is
> because they are afraid. All across the world people
> are rising up. Small cells of committed activists are
> fighting for human freedom, ecological sanity, animal
> liberation, and autonomy. Large protests are finally
> going past the tired, inefective marches and sign
> holdings that kept the government safe from us all
> these years, and now are actually becoming a threat
> again! People are ignoring electoral politics and
> taking action themselves. We are sick of the lie that
> tells us 4 minutes of action every four years will
> change the world. We are sick of watching as the last
> of the wild dies, as the animals nations are
> massacred, and as our communities become devoid of
> real life, happiness, freedom and personality. We
> don't want to live in a world owned by Starbucks, we
> don't don't want to work our existence away making
> profit for the rich bastards we all despise, and we
> don't want to be beaten down and arrested for finally
> speaking up! As we rise, they must try to knock us
> down. The grand jury system is being used all over
> this country to keep the power in the hands of the
> elite few.
>
> We can not let this happen without resistance! On
> Friday the 27th of October I am to appear in Portland
> at 9am before a judge. Let us show him that I am not
> alone. Come to the courthouse (1000 SW 3rd Ave,
> Portland, OR 97204)at 8am to show your support. To
> make a donation to my defense fund, please send a
> check to the address below ear marked for Josh Harper.
> And of course, the best thing you can do to support me
> is keep the resistance growing.
>
> Send donations to;
> ANIMAL RIGHTS AMERICA
> PO Box 469
> Caldwell, NJ 07006
>
> Thank You,
> Josh
======================================================
"Anarchy doesn't mean out of control. It means out of 'their' control."
-Jim Dodge
======================================================
"Communications without intelligence is noise;
intelligence without communications is irrelevant."
-Gen. Alfred. M. Gray, USMC
======================================================
"It is not a sign of good health to be well adjusted to a sick society."
-J. Krishnamurti
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