-Caveat Lector-
Excerpt from an unauthorized biography of George Bush Senior,
regarding his involvement in the assassination attempt on Reagan.
Full account available at:
http://www.tarpley.net/bush17.htm.
. . .
In the midst of the Bush-Baker cabal's relentless drive to seize
control over the Reagan administration, John Warnock Hinckley Jr.
carried out his attempt to assassinate President Reagan on the
afternoon of March 30, 1981. George Bush was visiting Texas that
day. Bush was flying from Fort Worth to Austin in his Air Force
Two Boeing 707. In Fort Worth, Bush had unveiled a plaque at the
Hyatt Regency Hotel, the old Hotel Texas, designating it as a
national historic site. This was the hotel, coincidentally, in
which John F. Kennedy had spent the last night of his life,
before going on to Dallas the next day, November 22, 1963. Here
was a sinister symbolism!
In Austin Bush was scheduled to deliver an address to a joint
session of the Texas state legislature. It was Al Haig who called
Bush in the clear and told him that the President had been shot,
while forwarding the details of Reagan's condition, insofar as
they were known, by scrambler as a classified message. Haig was
in touch with James Baker III, who was close to Reagan at George
Washington University hospital. Bush's man in the White House
situation room was Admiral Dan Murphy, who was standing right
next to Haig. Bush agreed with Haig's estimate that he ought to
return to Washington at once. But first his plane needed to be
refueled, so it landed at Carswell Air Force Base near Austin.
Refueling took about forty minutes; during this time Bush talked
on board the plane with Texas Governor William Clements, his
wife, Rita, and Texas Secretary of State George Strake. Texas
Congressman Jim Wright was also travelling on Bush's plane that
day, as were Congressmen Bill Archer of Houston and Jim Collins
of Dallas. Bush's top aide Chase Untermeyer was also with the
party on Air Force Two. [fn 10]
Bush says that his flight from Carswell to Andrews Air Force Base
near Washington took about two and one half hours, and that he
arrived at Andrews at abouit 6:40 PM. Bush says he was told by Ed
Meese that the operation to remove the bullet that had struck
Reagan was a success, and that the president was likely to
survive. Bush's customary procedure was to land at Andrews and
then take a helicopter to the vice presidential residence, the
Naval Observatory on Massachusetts Avenue. His aides Ed Pollard
and John Matheny suggested that he would save time by going by
helicopter directly to the White House south lawn, where he could
arrive in time to be shown on the 7 PM Eastern time evening news
broadcasts. Bush makes much oif the fact that he refused to do
this, allegeedly on the symbolic grounds that "Only the President
lands on the south lawn."
Back at the White House, the principal cabinet officers had
assembled in the situation room and had been running a crisis
management committee during the afternoon. Haig says he was at
first adamant that a conspiracy, if discovered, should be
ruthlessly exposed: "It was essential that we get the facts and
publish them quickly. Rumor must not be allowed to breed on this
tragedy. Remembering the aftermath of the Kennedy assassination,
I said to Woody Goldberg, 'No matter what the truth is about this
shooting, the American people must know it." [fn 11] But the
truth has never been established.
Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger's memoir of that afternoon
reminds us of two highly relevant facts. The first is that a
"NORAD [North American Air Defense Command] exercise with a
simulated incoming missle attack had been planned for the next
day." Weinberger agreed with General David Jones, the chiarman of
the Joint Chiefs of Staff, that this exercise should be
cancelled. [fn 12]
Weinberger also recalls that the group in the Situation Room was
informed by James Baker that "there had been a FEMA [Federal
Emergency Management Administration] exercise scheduled for the
next day on presidential succession, with the general title 'Nine
Lives.' By an immediate consensus, it was agreed that exercise
should also be cancelled." [fn 13]
As Weinberger further recalls, "at almost exactly 7:00, the Vice
President came to the Situation Room and very calmly assumed the
chair at the head of the table." [fn 14] According to Weinberger,
the first item discussed was the need for someonme to sign the
Dairy Price Support Bill the next day so as to reassure the
public. Bush asked Weinberger for a report on the status of US
forces, which Weinberger furnished.
Another eyewitness of these transactions was Don Regan, whom the
Tower Board later made the fall-guy for Bush's Iran-contra
escapades. Regan records that "the Vice President arrived with Ed
Meese, who had met him when he landed to fill him in on the
details. George asked for a condition report: 1) on the
President; 2) on the other wounded; 3) on the assailant; 4) on
the international scene. [...] After the reports were given and
it was determined that there were no international complications
and no domestic conspiracy, it was decided that the US government
would carry on business as usual. The Vice President would go on
TV from the White House to reassure the nation and to demonstrate
that he was in charge." [fn 15]
As Weinberger recounts the same moments: "[Attorney General Bill
French Smith] then reported that all FBI reports concurred with
the information I had received; that the shooting was a
completely isolated incident and that the assassin, John
Hinckley, with a previous record in Nashville, seemed to be a
'Bremmer' type, a reference to the attempted assassin of George
Wallace." [fn 16]
Those who were not watching carefully here may have missed the
fact that just a few minutes after George Bush had walked into
the room, he had presided over the sweeping under the rug of the
decisive question regarding Hinckley and his actions: was
Hinckley a part of a conspiracy, domestic or international? Not
more than five hours after the attempt to kill Reagan, on the
basis of the most fragmentary early reports, before Hinckley had
been properly questioned, and before a full investigation had
been carried out, a group of cabinet officers chaired by George
Bush had ruled out a priori any conspiracy. Haig, whose memoirs
talk most about the possibility of a conspiracy, does not seem to
have objected to this incredible decision.
>From that moment on, "no conspiracy" became the official doctrine
of the US regime, for the moment a Bush regime, and the most
massivew efforts were undertaken to stifle any suggestion to the
contrary. The iron curtain came down on the truth about Hinckley.
What was the truth of the matter? The Roman common sense of
Lucius Annaeus Seneca (who had seen so many of Nero's intrigues,
and who would eventually fall victim to one of them) would have
dictated that the person who would have profited most from
Reagan's death be scrutinized as the prime suspect. That was
obviously Bush, since Bush would have assumed the presidency if
Reagan had succumbed to his wounds. The same idea was summed up
by an eighth grade student at the Alice Deal Junior High School
in Washington DC who told teachers on March 31: "It is a plot by
Vice President Bush to get into power. If Bush becomes President,
the CIA would be in charge of the country." The pupils at this
school had been asked for their views of the Hinckley
assassination attempt of the previous day. [fn 17]
Curiously enough, press accounts emerging over the next few days
provided a compelling prima facie case that there had been a
conspiracy around the Hinckley attentat, and that the conspiracy
had included members of Bush's immediate family. (Full account
continued on website . . .)
http://www.tarpley.net/bush17.htm
Also see full book with table of contents beginning at:
http://www.tarpley.net/bushb.htm
[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]
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Kadosh, Kadosh, Kadosh, YHVH, TZEVAOT
FROM THE DESK OF:
*Michael Spitzer* <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The Best Way To Destroy Enemies Is To Change Them To Friends
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