No sooner had LAND SAT delivered the first mineral assays from space of earth's new found abundance, than mean and greedy minds began the most genocidial programs to get the stinking peasants off the valuable places.Napalm worked great for accouplishing this task. No, there was nothing like droping this inflamigant, that would not brush off the skin as it burned, on a bunch of civilians for the rest to get the idea that the ancient values of the worship of the ground where their ansestors were burried was of secondary importance to avoiding this horror.
It is kind of sad but no one ever asks what happens in the end to the land that is vacated by terror. The rice farmers of Vietnam whose economic activity was very difficult to profit from are now working the minimum wage factory jobs in newly established cities making money for you know who, but what has happened to the land? Those Kissinger divided this with did very well indeed.
Everyone did well except those who suffered in the war and the 2 1/2 million humans killed. They did not show a profit.
This is the pattern that I predict in Columbia.
Brian Downing Quig
dawnstar wrote:
Its all very intersting the news coming out on the HAMMER BUSH pardon.
re Occidental and Wahington (Gore, etc...)ds*
> Here's several recent articles on the situation in Colombia. There is
> coverage of both the U'wa and Oxy in the corporate and financial press
> as well as important analysis from the independant media about oil's
> central role to American involvement in Colombia.
>
> We hope that everyone who has worked to support the U'wa is continuing
> to educate themselves about the broader context of Plan Colombia and
> the battle against the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas. One of the
> best things we can do to help the U'wa is to get the truth out about
> what is going on in Colombia. Communities like the U'wa are the ones
> who are paying the price for our addiction to fossil fuels. They are
> the people who are literally getting caught in the crossfire as U.S.
> military aid escalates the violence
> in Colombia.
>
> Write letters to the editor, educate your communities and keep on
> organizing to support the U'wa and all communities on the frontlines of
> the corporate global economy.
>
> For a local organizing packet to help you support the U'wa in your
> community contact Rainforest Action Network at
> 415-398-4404/1-800-989-RAIN or [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>
> For background information on the U'wa struggle and downloadable
> resources see :
> www.ran.org www.amazonwatch.org www.moles.org
> ----------------------------------------------------------------------
> In this Post
> #1 Yahoo Finance - Oxy pipeline temporarily shut down Feb 28th
> #2 Financial Times "Colombia strives to Strike Oil" Feb 19th
> #3 Oil Rigged : There�s something slippery about the U.S. drug war in
> Colombia. Feb 15th
> ----------------------------------------------------------------------
> #1 Yahoo Finance
>
> NOTE � force majeure literally means "greater force"; a legal term for
> when clause which allows for cancellation of contractual obligations
> caused by events beyond the party's control, such as natural disasters
> or wars.
>
> Wednesday February 28, 12:22 pm Eastern Time
>
> Occidental declares Colombia Cano Limon force majeure
>
> BOGOTA, Colombia, Feb 28 (Reuters) - Occidental Petroleum Corp (NYSE:OXY
> <http://finance.yahoo.com/q?s=oxy&d=t> - news
> <outbind://26/n/o/oxy.html>) has declared force majeure for production
> at its Cano Limon oil field in Colombia due to repeated guerrilla
> attacks on its pipeline, a company spokesman said on Wednesday.
> ``We have declared force majeure since Tuesday,'' a Bogota-based
> spokesman for Occidental's Colombian operation told Reuters.
> Oil output at Cano Limon field is ``shut down'' due to bomb attacks
> which stopped pumping on its 220,000-barrel-a-day capacity pipeline on
> Feb 17, the spokesman said.
> Field operator Occidental receives 35 percent of the oil pumped through
> Cano Limon, Colombian state firm Ecopetrol owns 50 percent, and
> Spanish-Argentine oil company Repsol the rest.
> Output from the Cano Limon field in the eastern Colombian province of
> Arauca -- a rebel stronghold -- accounts for less than 5 percent of
> Occidental's total world production.
> The pipeline is a favorite target of rebels waging a 37-year-old war
> against the government and was crippled by bombs 98 times in 2000 even
> though most of it is buried six feet (two meters) under ground.
> Its operators have been forced to declare force majeure twice in recent
> years
> ----------------------------------------------------------------------
>
> #2 Financial Times
> Colombia strives to strike oil
> By James Wilson in Cubara
> Published: February 19 2001 18:34GMT
>
> Far beneath the snow-capped peaks of the Cocuy mountains, half-concealed
> groups of soldiers watch a helicopter as it flies into a narrow valley.
>
> Dangling below the aircraft are more supplies for Occidental Petroleum,
> which has been sinking an exploratory well here since November, moving
> ever closer, it hopes, to one of Colombia's biggest oil finds. Also
> observing, having passed an army checkpoint and climbed to the top of a
> ridge overlooking the US company's drilling rig, are several members of
> the U'wa.
>
> This is the ancient territory of the U'wa, now numbering only
> 5,000-7,000 people and one of Colombia's 80 indigenous ethnic groups.
> They have faced many intrusions, but as they contemplate Occidental's
> search for the oil the U'wa know as ruiria, they feel a great threat to
> their lifestyle and culture. "This is life or death for us. We want the
> world to know what is happening in U'wa territory," says Shiwkara, a
> community spokeswoman.
>
> The U'wa case is emblematic of a David versus Goliath struggle between
> indigenous groups, global energy needs and corporate power.
> Violent clashes last year between the U'wa and the Colombian military
> protecting the drill site left three children drowned after one of their
> protests was forcibly broken up, the Uw'a say.
>
> Both Occidental and the government think the U'wa case has become overly
> influenced and manipulated by outsiders.
>
> But throughout the troubles, Occidental has moved ahead with
> exploration, sanctioned by the government in Bogotá. "We do not think we
> are in a conflict here. We are a foreign investor fulfilling our
> contractual obligations," a company spokesman said.
>
> It says it is contributing a local health centre, schools and other
> community projects. It also used to give grants to U'wa students until
> it says these were rejected. Moreover, it thinks the U'wa have been
> given one of their most important demands - the expansion of the
> resguardo, reserved land from which non-indigenous people are excluded.
>
> In 1979 and 1987 the U'wa were granted two separate reservations
> totalling 69,000 hectares. In August 1999, the government agreed to
> expand these areas into a 220,000 ha reserve solely for the U'wa.
> Six weeks later, it granted Occidental its licence to drill its first
> exploratory well, at a site 500m outside the expanded resguardo.
> Despite their larger territory the U'wa have not been pacified. They
> argue their lands will still be affected, their streams polluted and
> their security compromised.
>
> A stark lesson from Colombia is that oil attracts trouble from all
> sides. Two armed rebel groups active in the country since the 1960s have
> learned to exploit oil, either through extorting protection money or
> blowing up installations.
>
> Occidental knows these problems only too well. It built a pipeline
> through this region in the 1980s to carry oil from its nearby Caño Limon
> field. Last year the pipeline was blown up 98 times, and 79 times in
> 1999. Even so, Caño Limon has been "a good business", says the company.
>
> Moreover, in a complex local power struggle, both the Farc and ELN rebel
> groups have attacked the pipeline. The Farc has also targeted the U'wa
> cause, killing three US citizens working with the U'wa in 1999.
>
> The U'wa resent and fear being dragged into Colombia's military
> conflict. Roberto Perez, president of the U'wa's tribal council, says:
> "We have told the army and all armed groups to respect our territory."
>
> Meanwhile, economic analysts say attacks already bleed the economy of
> 2-4 percentage points of growth annually. Even so, oil is Colombia's
> biggest export, worth $4.6bn in 2000.
>
> "I think, as a Colombian, that Colombia has to seek means of
> development," says an Occidental employee. Ecopetrol, the state oil
> company, says: "Forty million Colombians need these resources." The test
> drill is expected to be completed by May. But the U'wa blame
> Occidental's earlier Caño Limon development for environmental damage.
> "Ten years ago you could pull fish out of this river with a bucket. This
> year there has not been one little fish," says Rosario, one of four nuns
> living at a mission built in the area in the 1920s.
> A government official thinks it would be possible to safeguard the U'wa,
> even if oil development goes ahead. But, the offical adds: "I would love
> it if they didn't find a drop of oil. I would laugh the whole day.
> Without oil, there is no problem."
> ----------------------------------------------------------------------
> # 3
>
> Feb 15, 2001
> Resource Center of the Americas
> www.americas.org
> Oil Rigged
> There�s something slippery about
> the U.S. drug war in Colombia.
> by Thad Dunning and Leslie Wirpsa
>
> The public face of U.S. policy toward Colombia has long been the war on
> drugs. Colombia, according to widely reported CIA estimates, produces 90
> percent of the U.S. cocaine supply and 65 percent of U.S. heroin
> imports. U.S. officials say the aim of Plan Colombia, a $1.3 billion aid
> package signed by President Clinton last year, is fighting
> �narco-guerrillas� and eradicating coca crops.
>
> But that�s just part of the agenda. Plan Colombia is also about oil.
> Colombia�s petroleum production today rivals Kuwait�s on the eve of the
> Gulf War. The United States imports more oil from Colombia and its
> neighbors Venezuela and Ecuador than from all Persian Gulf countries
> combined. And, last June, Colombia announced its largest oil discovery
> since the 1980s. The Colombian government and transnational oil
> companies are eager to secure their exploration and production
> activities with U.S. military might.
>
> Some U.S. military officials harbor no illusions about their role in
> Colombia. Stan Goff, a former U.S. Special Forces intelligence sergeant,
> retired in 1996 from the unit that trains Colombian anti-narcotics
> battalions. Plan Colombia�s purpose is �defending the operations of
> Occidental, British Petroleum and Texas Petroleum and securing control
> of future Colombian fields,� said Goff, quoted in October by the Bogotá
> daily El Espectador. �The main interest of the United States is oil.�
>
> Colombia�s two major guerrilla groups condemn foreign control of the
> nation�s petroleum even as they rely on the oil companies for ransoms
> and extortion payments. The guerrillas face competition from rightist
> death squads known as paramilitaries, many with documented links to
> Bogotá�s army and some with alleged ties to the oil firms.
> In recent months, the violence has begun to spread beyond the nation�s
> borders. To the south, the Colombian war is further destabilizing
> Ecuador, a country wracked for decades by political upheaval, including
> a military coup during an indigenous revolt a year ago. To the north,
> the war is heightening tensions in Venezuela, where populist President
> Hugo Chávez has helped drive up world oil prices by reviving the
> Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC).
>
> Critics of U.S. policy in Colombia have likened it to past interventions
> in Vietnam and El Salvador. But with world oil prices stuck at all-time
> highs, with U.S. oil consumption expected to rise 25 percent over the
> next two decades, and with Middle East producers increasingly
> unreliable, another important comparison is the U.S. war against Iraq.
>
> One question is whether U.S. military aid will help keep the Colombian
> oil flowing�whether it will enhance or erode the security of oil
> operations. More troubling questions surround the human cost of further
> militarizing a conflict that has killed tens of thousands of Colombians
> and displaced almost 2 million since 1985.
>
> BLACK GOLD
> Colombia�s known oil reserves amount to 2.6 billion barrels, far fewer
> than those of the world�s major oil powers. But only about 20 percent of
> the country�s potential oil regions have been explored, due to the
> violence. Desperate for more investment, President Andrés Pastrana�s
> administration sweetened the terms a year ago, allowing foreign
> companies more of the profit from Colombian oil operations. As a result,
> the state�s Empresa Colombiana de Petroleos (Ecopetrol) awarded a record
> 13 new exploration and production contracts last year.
>
> Colombia�s biggest foreign investor is BP Amoco, formed when British
> Petroleum merged with Chicago-based Amoco in 1998. The London-based
> giant controls Colombia�s largest oilfield, a 1.5-billion-barrel trove
> called Cusiana-Cupiagua in the northeastern province of Casanare A
> 444-mile pipeline called Ocensa carries BP Amoco oil to the Caribbean
> port of Coveñas for export.
>
> Los Angeles�based Occidental Petroleum helps operate the nation�s
> second-largest oilfield, Caño Limón, holding 1 billion barrels in
> Arauca, a province just north of Casanare. Occidental pumps away its
> share through a 485-mile duct to Coveñas.
>
> The June announcement confirmed a deposit about 55 miles southwest of
> Bogotá. An international consortium led by Canadian Occidental Petroleum
> expects as much as 300 million barrels from the oilfield, called
> Boquerón, making it the nation�s third-largest deposit.
> Other major investors in Colombian oil have included Exxon, Shell and
> Elf Aquitane. The transnationals have helped boost the nation�s oil
> production almost 80 percent over the last decade. Most of the exports
> have gone to the United States, putting Colombia among the top eight
> U.S. oil suppliers.
>
> Many of these companies have led the fight for U.S. military aid to
> Colombia, the world�s third-largest recipient of U.S. security
> assistance. In 1996, BP Amoco and Occidental joined Enron Corporation, a
> Houston-based energy firm, and other corporations to form the
> U.S.-Colombia Business Partnership. Since then, backed by hefty
> oil-industry donations to political candidates, the partnership has
> lobbied hard for increased aid. Lawrence P. Meriage, Occidental�s
> public-affairs vice president, not only pushed for Plan Colombia last
> year but urged a House subcommittee to extend military aid to the
> nation�s north to �augment security for oil development operations.�
> The firms have allies in the U.S. national-security apparatus. In 1998,
> Gen. Charles Wilhelm, then head of the U.S. Southern Command, told
> Congress that oil discoveries had increased Colombia�s �strategic
> importance.� Last April, Sen. Bob Graham (D-Florida) and former National
> Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft warned in a Los Angeles Times editorial
> that Colombia�s reserves would �remain untapped unless stability is
> restored.�
>
> Petroleum companies say their presence in Colombia creates employment
> alternatives for coca farmers, adds muscle to counterinsurgency efforts
> and, ultimately, promotes peace and stability. In 1996, British
> Petroleum, Occidental and Royal Dutch/Shell co-sponsored a full-page ad
> about Colombia in the Houston Chronicle, touting �a powerful new weapon
> . . in the war against drugs.� The ad pictured the nozzle of a gas
> pump.
>
> PETROVIOLENCE
> Numerous studies suggest that transnational extraction of natural
> resources from the Third World promotes not economic and political
> stability, but violence and lawlessness. From Indonesia to Nigeria to
> Colombia, mining and oil drilling have spurred the growth of rightist
> militias, criminal gangs and leftist insurgencies. Political scientists
> call this the �resource curse.�
>
> Since 1986, according to Colombian government sources, the country�s
> guerrilla groups have bombed oil pipelines more than 1,000 times and
> have kidnapped hundreds of oil-company executives and employees. Using
> these operations as leverage, the guerrillas have generated roughly $140
> million per year in ransoms and extortion payments. They also squeeze
> �taxes� from local contractors working for the companies. In all, the
> oil revenue rivals conservative estimates of guerrilla earnings from the
> cocaine and heroin trades.
>
> During construction of the Caño Limón pipeline in the 1980s, contractors
> for the German company Mannesmann reportedly paid about $4 million to
> the National Liberation Army (ELN) for the release of four kidnapped
> engineers. Such payments enabled the ELN, verging on collapse, to
> regroup and rearm. Today the ELN, with 7,000 members, is the nation�s
> second largest guerrilla army. The 17,000-strong Revolutionary Armed
> Forces of Colombia (FARC), the largest rebel group, has adopted similar
> tactics, even consenting to oil drilling opposed by local indigenous
> people.
>
> Guerrilla violence around the oil industry has intensified since July
> 13, when President Clinton signed Plan Colombia. Decrying �North
> American intervention,� ELN guerrillas bombed the Caño Limón pipeline 23
> times between July and September, forcing Occidental to declare force
> majeure for 45 days. The pipeline was knocked out at least 97 times last
> year, exceeding a record 79 outages from rebel attacks in 1999.
> Recently, after a January 20 bombing west of Caño Limón, the duct was
> closed for three days.
>
> FARC rebels, meanwhile, bombed Ecopetrol�s southern pipeline 31 times in
> September, forcing Ecuador�s state oil company, Petroecuador, which uses
> the line to export 45,000 barrels a day, to suspend its obligations.
>
> The paramilitaries, for their part, have moved into oil-rich provinces
> such as Casanare and, along the southern border, Putumayo. In the
> central city of Barrancabermeja home to the country�s largest oil
> refinery, paramilitaries intensified a campaign of murdering civilians
> in January. �Here we pump out all the energy we need,� said Lt. Col.
> Hernán Moreno, head of the army�s New Granada Battalion in
> Barrancabermeja, quoted in the New York Times. �The takeover of power is
> thus of prime importance to these armed groups.�
>
> And paramilitaries target organizers such as Workers Trade Union leader
> Alvaro Remolina, who has called attention to the labor practices of
> Texaco and Occidental in Colombia. On January 11 last year, his nephew
> was murdered near the city of Bucaramanga, while his brother and a
> friend disappeared in the nearby town of Girón. He lost another brother
> to assassins in 1996, and soldiers killed his sister-in-law in 1999.
>
> One human rights report on oil and security in Colombia says
> paramilitaries have received $2 million for protecting a Colombian
> pipeline. El Espectador, the London daily Guardian and the BBC,
> additionally, have documented paramilitary links to British Petroleum. A
> top BP official admitted that a British security contractor for the oil
> giant supplied night-vision goggles to an army brigade accused of
> killing civilians and committing other abuses. The contractor also hired
> former army commander Gen. Hernán Guzmán Rodríguez, a 1969 graduate of
> the U.S. Army School of the Americas. In a 1992 report, the
> Inter-American Commission on Human Rights linked Guzmán to a
> paramilitary group responsible for 149 murders from 1987 to 1990.
>
> Colombia�s official armed forces have their own stake in oil. Since
> 1992, a �war tax� of more than $1 per barrel on foreign oil corporations
> has helped Bogotá devote a quarter of its army to defending oil
> installations. And government forces often sell security services
> directly to the companies. Occidental, which earmarks roughly 10 percent
> of its in-country budget to security, has made direct payments to the
> army.
>
> The oil violence weighs heaviest on local civilians. Disasters resulting
> from pipeline attacks have killed people and wreaked environmental
> destruction. In 1998, 73 people died after an ELN bombing of Ocensa, the
> BP Amoco pipeline. The blast set ablaze the northwestern village of
> Machuca, Antioquia.
>
> Such violence has prompted communities to resist oil projects. The
> 7,000-member U�wa indigenous community in northeastern Colombia has
> opposed attempts by Occidental and Ecopetrol to drill in its ancestral
> land. Occidental is betting it could extract 1.4 billion barrels from
> the area. Last February, when government security forces broke up an
> indigenous roadblock against the project, three children drowned in a
> river during the melee. In November, some 2,000 government agents
> escorted Occidental rigs to drill an exploratory well in the land.
>
> The project has brought violence from guerrillas too. In 1999, FARC
> members kidnapped and murdered U.S. citizens Terence Freitas, Ingrid
> Washinawatok and La�he Enae Gay, who were visiting to set up U�wa
> education projects.
>
> Despite the upheaval, oil remains Colombia�s largest export, with
> earnings totaling $3.7 billion in 1999. Ecopetrol diverts most of this
> profit to federal and local governments, but average Colombians see
> little benefit. Officials face pressure from guerrillas and
> paramilitaries alike to invest the payments in their favor. And many
> officials simply steal or squander the money. Arauca, a boomtown about
> 25 miles from the Caño Limón oilfield, has received millions of dollars
> annually in oil royalties but is ringed by shantytowns. In a
> petroleum-rich central valley known as the Middle Magdalena, more than
> 70 percent of the 750,000 inhabitants live in poverty and nearly 40
> percent are unemployed, double the official nationwide rate.
>
> SLICK BORDERS
> Petroleum is playing an important role as the war expands beyond
> Colombia. Both the FARC and ELN have a growing presence in southern
> Venezuela. Guerrillas there are using extortion and kidnapping to
> generate revenue from ranchers and Petroleos de Venezuela (PDVSA), the
> government oil company, according to a January 24 Financial Times
> report.
>
> Chávez, the Venezuelan president, says his government is not taking
> sides in the Colombian conflict. Venezuelan military officials say the
> guerrilla influx worries them less than a Plan Colombia provision to
> equip Bogotá�s army with 60 Blackhawk helicopters. Under Chávez, who
> took office in 1999, Venezuela has barred U.S. �counternarcotics�
> flights over its airspace, calling them a violation of national
> sovereignty. And some Venezuelan military equipment has found its way
> into FARC hands.
>
> Venezuelan oil weighs heavy in U.S. strategy for the region. The
> third-largest U.S. oil supplier and the hemisphere�s sole OPEC member,
> Venezuela has 77 billion barrels in proven reserves�the most of any
> country outside the Middle East. The Chávez government convinced OPEC
> members to cut production, a move that has lifted oil prices to more
> than $30 a barrel, their highest level in a decade.
> Chávez�s nationalist leanings and his pledges to prevent PDVSA�s
> privatization have fueled worries among some U.S. policymakers about
> U.S. reliance on the Venezuelan crude. In August, adding to these
> worries, Chávez became the world�s first democratically elected head of
> state since the Gulf War to visit Saddam Hussein, the leader of fellow
> OPEC member Iraq. And, in October, Chávez agreed to provide Cuba with
> inexpensive oil.
>
> In other countries, the spillover violence from Colombia has begun to
> menace petroleum production. Just across the San Miguel River from
> Putumayo, the Colombian province, conflict pervades the town of Lago
> Agrio the Ecuadoran oil hub. The area has long been a site of rest and
> relaxation for FARC guerrillas. But the mood has changed since
> U.S.-backed counterinsurgency and coca eradication caused a larger
> influx of farmers, other displaced Colombians, guerrillas and
> paramilitaries. Local police say violence in December killed 20 people,
> including 15 who perished in clashes between Colombian guerrillas and
> paramilitaries and five in a bombing of Ecuador�s only oil pipeline.
> (The duct carries crude to a Pacific port for export. Occidental is part
> of an international consortium vying to build a second Ecuadoran
> pipeline, a $750 million project.)
>
> Such turmoil has led to militarization, threatening to turn Colombia�s
> oil violence into a regional scourge. Brazil, Peru and Ecuador all host
> oil drilling near Colombia, and all are responding to guerrilla and
> paramilitary incursions by sending in military personnel and equipment.
>
> Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, the former U.N. secretary general serving as
> Peru�s interim prime minister, said in January that he supported Plan
> Colombia, marking a reversal from the policy of former President Alberto
> Fujimori, who resigned in November. �We are guarding our borders for
> possible infiltration, not only from Colombia but from Ecuador,� said
> Pérez de Cuéllar, quoted by Reuters in January. �The violence is
> serious.�
>
> Ecuadoran President Gustavo Noboa, who took office after a January 2000
> military coup, has strengthened border security and threatened to
> declare a state of emergency there. His foreign minister, Heinz Moeller,
> has asked the United States for $160 million to supplement the $20
> million for Ecuador under Plan Colombia. Moeller said he expects to
> receive the aid because Washington, which already bases its Andean
> military operations in the Ecuadoran coastal town of Manta, wants to
> protect U.S. �investments� in Colombia. Moeller said the increased aid
> was necessary to protect an �economic buffer zone� between his country
> and Colombia, adding that the protection will require helicopters,
> speedboats and reconnaissance equipment.
> Goff, the former Special Forces sergeant, says U.S. military operations
> in the Andes go beyond their stated purpose of fighting drugs. �We never
> mentioned the words coca or narco-trafficker in our training,� he said.
> �The objective of our operations was not the Colombians but the
> Americans who pay taxes for the investment made in Colombia. The
> objective continues to be oil. Look where American forces are�Iraq, the
> Caspian Sea, Colombia�places where we expect to find petroleum
> reserves.�
>
> PROSPECTORS
> Oil will remain a U.S. military priority under President George W. Bush
> if his campaign donors and cabinet appointees have any influence. The
> top source of cash for his presidential and Texas gubernatorial bids was
> Enron and its employees, including CEO Kenneth L. Lay, according to the
> Center for Public Integrity. Enron, one of the companies that led
> lobbying for Plan Colombia, owns Centragas, a 357-mile natural gas
> distribution system in northern Colombia.
> The cabinet includes Vice President Dick Cheney, former CEO of
> Halliburton Company, a Dallas-based oil services leader; Commerce
> Secretary Don Evans, former chairman of the Denver-based oil firm Tom
> Brown, Inc.; and National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, a former
> board member of San Francisco�based Chevron Corporation.
> Bush appointed John Maisto as National Security Council adviser for
> inter-American affairs, his top adviser on the region. Maisto was
> ambassador to Nicaragua during the U.S.-backed guerrilla war against the
> Sandinista government and chargé d�affaires in Panama during the 1989
> U.S. invasion that ousted Gen. Manuel Noriega. Under Clinton, he was
> ambassador to Venezuela and, later, an adviser to the U.S. military�s
> Southern Command.
>
> Bush�s roster and the widening violence even before Plan Colombia hits
> stride are portents of what the United States holds in store for the
> region.
>
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