-Caveat Lector-

http://www.enterstageright.com/0501borders.htm

By W. James Antle III
web posted April 30, 2001

The case for the United States having completely open borders is superficially 
appealing, at least to those who cherish individual freedom and free-market 
capitalism. This is why many who embrace the market, particularly libertarians, are 
intrigued by the idea. The Wall Street Journal used to annually editorialize on behalf 
of a constitutional amendment that would open US borders to anyone willing to enter. 
The late Julian Simon was a passionate believer in expanded immigration. Jacob Sullum 
recently opined in Reason magazine that there was no more justification to restrict 
people's movement between countries as between the 50 states. My colleagues at Enter 
Stage Right have eloquently made similar arguments.

Yet immigration is one issue that divides members of the free-market fraternity. Many 
pro-market thinkers view, with much justification, free flow of capital as being 
indelibly associated with the free movement of people. Others see this as more of an 
abstraction, with the concrete reality being that immigration, particularly from the 
Third World, actually undermines the market by growing the welfare state. Ayn Rand 
believed in unfettered immigration, while Murray Rothbard held that there was no right 
to immigrate and John Hospers, the Libertarian Party's first presidential candidate, 
has expressed skepticism about open borders. Although much of the free-market 
opposition to this concept and liberalized immigration generally has come from 
conservatives, Ronald Reagan, Jack Kemp, Newt Gingrich, Dick Armey, and Alan Keyes 
have all spoken in favor of increased immigration.

Open-border immigration conceptually appeals to individualism. Its proponents note 
that people should be free to work, move and seek a better life for themselves and 
their families regardless of bureaucratic regulations and geographic distinctions. 
George Will has noted that the act of immigration itself demonstrates personal 
initiative. Immigration laws, according to open-borders proponents, invite 
bureaucratic harassment of employers, regulatory red tape, intrusion into people's 
lives, interruption of family connections, discrimination and otherwise prevent people 
from achieving their own good in their own way while similarly depriving others of 
immigrants' skills within the marketplace.

All of this is to some degree true and all of it is unfortunate, yet open borders 
remain an unsustainable situation for the United States (or any major country, for 
that matter) and an ultimately self-defeating proposition for its market-minded 
defenders. It should be stated at this point that terms like "pro-immigration" and 
"anti-immigration" are crass oversimplifications. Virtually no one opposes all 
immigration to the United States, and even proponents of a moratorium such as Alan 
Caruba favor the resumption of immigration at the end of that specified period. Many 
of the leading advocates of immigration restriction evidence their lack of intrinsic 
hostility toward immigrants by being immigrants themselves, such as John O'Sullivan, 
George Borjas and Peter Brimelow. Similarly, indefatigable immigration enthusiasts 
like Julian Simon and Milton Friedman have indicated their belief that a totally open 
border isn't feasible.

It has been noted that at least 1.2 million immigrants, both legal and illegal, come 
to these shores annually. Presently, immigrants account for about a tenth of the 
population, the largest share in decades, the largest absolute number in history and a 
43 percent increase since 1990. It is not difficult to envision 2 to 3 million a year 
entering the United States if all immigration restrictions were lifted, accounting for 
nearly all our population growth. Those who see no problem with this and its probable 
contribution to the crowding in certain areas of the country should consider this 
immigration's likeliest sources. Even in the absence of immigration laws dictating who 
may or may not come in, people from all over the world will not immigrate here 
equally. Open border immigration is likely to favor countries in the Western 
Hemisphere to our south, as they are closest.

These are the same countries that have provided the largest proportion of our 
immigrants since the Immigration Act of 1965. Since 1965, the pool of immigrants has 
been increasingly mismatched with the US labor market and characterized by 
deteriorating relative skill levels. In 1970, the average recent immigrant had 0.35 
years less schooling than the average native-born American. By 1990, the average 
recent immigrant had 1.32 year less schooling. This educational gap has only continued 
to widen. While immigrants on average earned 3 percent more than native-born Americans 
in 1970, they earned 16.2 percent less by 1990. Immigrants who had arrived within the 
past five years earned 16.6 percent less than the native-born population in 1970, but 
this gap increased to 31.7 percent in 1990. With open borders, there is reason to 
believe that the importation of unskilled labor and attendant economic stratification 
would continue and perhaps escalate.

Those who advocate open borders as part of a free-market economy ignore the reality 
that America has been transformed from a federal constitutional republic into an 
affirmative action welfare state. The immigrants who will come in from Mexico, Central 
America and South America in great numbers are, due to relatively low skills, 
statistically more likely to go on welfare and demographically eligible to benefit 
from racial preferences. Expanding the affirmative action welfare state does not make 
the United State a freer society. That these policies should be repealed in favor of 
returning to federalism, constitutionalism and republicanism is no argument for open 
borders. It is clear that such an immigration policy would exacerbate these problems 
and make repeal of these contraptions politically even less likely than they are now. 
Is anyone naive enough to believe that welfare programs will be repealed as we import 
more poor people or that racial preferences will be repealed as we increase the number 
of eligible beneficiaries?

Indeed, approximately 9.1 percent of immigrant households participate in various 
welfare programs versus 7.4 percent of native-born households. Immigrant households 
consumed roughly 13.1 percent of cash welfare benefits in 1990. Some immigrant groups 
have even higher welfare participation rates, such as Mexicans (11.3 percent), 
Dominicans (27.9 percent), Vietnamese (25.8 percent) and Cambodians (46.8 percent). 
Additionally, 83 percent of legal immigrants admitted since 1990 belong to 
affirmative-actionable groups. Again, open borders are likely to increase these 
numbers.

Not only is it questionable whether we want to import on a massively scale cheap labor 
that will increase social inequality and entrench the affirmative action welfare 
state, there are practical considerations that must be made. Should we accept 
murderers? Other countries' prisoners (considering Castro has sent his criminals to 
the US before and that immigrants presently comprise 25 percent of the federal prison 
population)? What about communicable diseases? Open-border advocates ignore these 
issues. What would the consequences be for Israel if its borders were opened to 
whatever Palestinians wanted to come? What would the consequences be for America if 
half the Chinese Communist Party came here to live? What if as many as 150 million 
people, more than half our current population, decided to immigrate here unrestricted 
within a few short years? All of these have obvious consequences for Americans already 
here and for people all over the world who might immigrate here. None of them are 
recognized by the abstractions open-borders proponents seize on.

A number of thoughtful analysts have questioned whether countries such as Mexico 
(which has a very strict immigration policy) deliberately use the US as a safety valve 
and encourage their poorest citizens to immigrate, legally or otherwise. If so, open 
borders would leave us completely vulnerable. The income inequality that would result 
isn't likely to produce the kind of society libertarians would like.

Steve Sailer has noted that our vast continental nation has offered many generations 
of Americans cheap land and high wages, providing the unprecedented conditions 
necessary for widely distributed land and property ownership. This is why America has 
been more successful at avoiding socialism than Britain and other similar countries -- 
fewer people perceived a need for it. Bringing in large numbers of poor and unskilled 
people will increase inequality and produce conditions more favorable for socialism. 
Those faced with expensive land, low wages and social disharmony clamor for more state 
control, income redistribution and political favoritism.

Far better to preserve the conditions that make the US a free society with a vibrant 
capitalist economy and allow the peoples of the world to reap the benefits through 
free trade. As Peter Brimelow has noted, free trade is on many levels more a 
substitute for immigration than a complement to it, and free trade will benefit the 
Third World poor.

Immigration does contribute mightily to this country and has improved the lives of 
countless people around the world seeking opportunity in America. This does not mean 
it can occur without regard to the consequences for America or the conditions that 
make America such a beacon of hope and opportunity. We should strive for a more 
prudent and humane immigration policy without entertaining philosophically appealing 
but practically unworkable delusions of open borders.

W. James Antle III is a former researcher for the Rhema Group, an Ohio-based political 
consulting firm.

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