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1. 
>From Fuhrman to Foster 
Copyright � 2000 by Dan E. Moldea 



���� In the midst of our ongoing battle with Mark Fuhrman, attorney Ron 
Goldfarb, one of our two agents for Evidence Dismissed, called and told me 
that the publisher of Fuhrman's book, Alfred S. Regnery of Regnery 
Publishing, wanted to have lunch with me.� Assuming that Regnery, whom I had 
never met, wanted to give me some grief about my damning public statements 
about Fuhrman, I agreed to the meeting, hoping to give a little back.
 
���� Regnery, a life-long conservative, had also published former FBI special 
agent Gary Aldrich's controversial book, Unlimited Access:� An FBI Agent 
Inside the Clinton White House, as well as Boy Clinton:� The Political 
Biography by R. Emmett Tyrrell, Jr., the editor of the right-wing American 
Spectator; God and Man at Yale by William F. Buckley, the publisher of the 
National Review; and Russell Kirk's The Conservative Mind; along with works 
by Whittaker Chambers, James J. Kilpatrick, and James Burnham.
 
���� On Tuesday, March 25, 1997, at the University Club in Washington, 
Goldfarb and I met Regnery, who was accompanied by his executive editor, 
Harry Crocker, and legal counsel, Richard Vigilante.
 
���� Looking for a fight, I showed up for this lunch like a guy with a broken 
beer bottle in his hand.� Even before I sat down at the table, I was already 
going off about Fuhrman, insisting that, if his book was a sworn statement, 
he would be indicted again for perjury.
 
���� In lieu of being goaded into an argument, Regnery--who, properly but 
politely, told me to shut up and sit down--said firmly, "We're here to talk 
about Vincent Foster, not Mark Fuhrman.� What do you think happened to 
Vincent Foster?" 

���� "Suicide," I shrugged as I sat down, surprised by the question but 
remembering the similarities between Foster's suicide and the suicide of Greg 
Stone over two years earlier, in which Stone had shot himself with a .38 
revolver in a public park.
 
���� The former deputy counsel for the Clinton White House, Foster had been 
found dead on July 20, 1993, at Fort Marcy Park in northern Virginia with a 
gunshot wound in his mouth.� A .38 revolver was still in his hand when the 
authorities arrived to document the crime scene.� After accumulating and 
analyzing this and other evidence, the FBI and the U. S. Park Police, which 
had jurisdiction in the case, concluded that the wound was self inflicted.
 
���� Meantime, a variety of right-wing groups and individuals were still 
trying to claim that the crime-scene evidence indicated that Foster had been 
murdered, and that a cover-up by the Clinton White House was still in 
progress.
 
���� After admitting that I knew very little about the specifics of the 
Foster case, Regnery replied, "Everyone knows that you have great sources in 
the law-enforcement community.� Why don't you do your own investigation about 
Foster's death, and write a book about it?� We'll publish it."
 
���� That left me speechless.� Here was a distinguished, 
politically-conservative publisher, offering a book deal to a street-fighting 
political lefty about the controversial death of a major player in Washington 
politics.
 
���� Simultaneously, Regnery owned the rights to the book, The Secret Life of 
Bill Clinton, by right-wing British journalist Ambrose Evans-Pritchard.� A 
third of his manuscript, which Regnery planned to release in the fall, argued 
that Foster had been murdered.� And to complicate matters even more, one of 
Regnery's closest friends--since their days together at the Reagan Justice 
Department--was Kenneth Starr, the independent counsel who was 
reinvestigating the Foster case.� Already, press leaks from Starr's office 
indicated that he would conclude in an upcoming report that Foster had, 
indeed, committed suicide.
 
���� Considering his conflicting interests, I asked Regnery what he thought 
had happened to Foster.� He simply replied, "I don't know, but I'd like to 
find out.� And that's why we're talking to you." 
���� Actually, neither the Evans-Pritchard book nor Regnery's approach to me 
were the only situations in which Regnery had considered publishing a book 
about Foster's death. 

���� In October 1996, Regnery had received a pitch from literary agent 
Lucianne Goldberg on behalf of her client, Linda Tripp, a secretary in 
Foster's office and one of the last known people to have seen him alive.� 
Tripp had met Goldberg through her friend Tony Snow, a conservative 
columnist, who encouraged her to write the book, tentatively entitled, Behind 
Closed Doors:� What I Saw at the Clinton White House.� Supposedly, Tripp 
planned to reveal, among other things, untold details about certain events 
that had preceded Foster's death.
 
���� However, after Richard Vigilante, on behalf of Regnery, met with Tripp 
and Goldberg to discuss the project, he determined that Tripp was not 
prepared to tell the "full story" about the Clinton White House--which 
included her knowledge of the President's alleged sexual liaisons with 
unnamed women.� According to Vigilante, she feared that, in the wake of 
publishing such a book, she might lose her job at the Pentagon, where she had 
been transferred after Foster's death.
 
���� Soon after rejecting Tripp's book, Regnery introduced Mark Fuhrman to 
Goldberg, who became his agent.� Fuhrman, via Goldberg, pitched his own 
seven-page proposal for a book about the Foster case, Death in Fort Marcy Park
:� Who Killed Vince Foster, which Regnery also rejected.
 
���� Thus, the question in my mind was:� After shooting down Tripp and 
Fuhrman's proposals--and with Evans-Pritchard's conspiracy book and his 
friend Ken Starr's pending anti-conspiracy report in the chute--why did 
Regnery want me?� After all, in addition to being Lange and Vannatter's 
co-author and Fuhrman's avowed adversary, I was a former fellow at the 
left-wing Institute for Policy Studies and the author of a 1986 book that 
trashed Regnery's hero, Ronald Reagan.
 
���� Furthermore, although I had never done any reporting about the Clinton 
Administration, I personally believed that the President and Hillary Clinton, 
Foster's former law partner, were extremely intelligent people, who were 
filled with good intentions and had assembled the agenda and the personnel to 
deliver on their promises.� Even though I had never contributed any money to, 
or participated in, any of his campaigns, I had enthusiastically supported 
Bill Clinton in both 1992 and 1996.� Also, in private settings, I had been 
quite vocal in my criticism of the extreme right of the Republican Party, 
which was refusing to cut the President any slack, blaming him for anything 
and everything.
 
���� By the end of our luncheon meeting, even though I appreciated his 
respect for my law-enforcement connections and the quality of my previous six 
books, I was still puzzled as to why Regnery had selected me for this deal.
 
���� To all intents and purposes, this project would be unlike any Regnery or 
I had ever tackled.� I had to gauge whether, through the Foster case, I could 
be objective about a President I genuinely admired while Regnery had to 
decide whether he could break with his tradition and publish a potentially 
positive book about a President he didn't particularly like.
 
���� Finally, in the wake of several additional conversations, Regnery and I 
agreed that the circumstances of Foster's death made for a unique crime story 
because of the political complications, which, we also agreed, were part of 
the story.� Thus, we determined that the success or failure of this project 
would depend on our abilities--mine as the author, and his as the 
publisher--to remain independent and neutral in the midst of the supercharged 
political atmosphere hovering over this case.
 
���� Consequently, we decided that, ultimately, we needed to know: 
��������� a)� whether Foster was murdered, or
 
��������� b)� whether the official investigators of the Foster case had 
simply erred in their crime-scene evaluations and, thus, unintentionally 
created controversies that should have never existed, as was the situation in 
the Robert Kennedy murder case, or
 
��������� c)� whether the investigators had done their jobs well but had been 
misrepresented by those with political or other ulterior motives, as was the 
predicament for Lange and Vannatter in the controversial O. J. Simpson case, 
or
 
��������� d)� whether there some combination of b and c.
 
���� Despite our political differences, I had already grown to like and 
respect Regnery, as well as his feisty guerrilla approach towards book 
publishing.� Certainly no match made in heaven, we, nonetheless, believed 
that we could make our alliance work.� As a result, regardless of the 
still-unexplained reasons why he had selected me to write this book, Regnery 
offered me $100,000 for this project--which, he told me, was as large an 
advance as he had ever paid to any author. 

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