-Caveat Lector-


http://www.orlandosentinel.com/news/opinion/columnists/orl-oped-reese05060501.column

COMMENTARY
Got a yen for conspiracies? I've got a book for you
Charley Reese
June 5, 2001
For those of you who like conspiracy theories, there is always Carroll Quigley, a
Georgetown University professor at the time of his death.
In his massive book Tragedy and Hope, Quigley writes:
"There does exist and has existed for a generation, an international Anglophile
network which operates, to some extent, in the way the radical Right believes the
Communists act. In fact, this network, which we may identify as the Round Table
groups, has no aversion to cooperating with the Communists, or any other groups, and
frequently does so.
"I know of the operations of this network because I have studied it for 20 years and
was permitted for two years, in the early 1960s, to examine its papers and secret
record."
Quigley states that he had occasionally objected to some of its policies but that
his main difference with the group "is that it wishes to remain unknown, and I
believe its role in history is significant enough to be known."
He writes that the Round Table groups were organized by three British people on behalf 
of Lord Miln
er, the dominant trustee of the Rhodes Trust from 1905 to 1925. Most of its financing 
originally ca
me from the Rhodes Trus
t.
He states that at the end of World War I, the Round Table groups decided to expand 
their activities
. In each place, the groups formed a "front" organization. In Great Britain, the front 
is known as
the Royal Institute of
International Affairs."
"In New York," he writes, "it was known as the Council on Foreign Relations and was a 
front for J.P
. Morgan and Co. in association with the very small American Round Table group."
"On this basis," he writes a few paragraphs later, "which was originally financial and 
goes back to
 George Peabody, there grew up in the 20th century a power structure between London 
and New York wh
ich penetrated deeply i
nto university life, the press, and the practice of foreign policy."
There is an interesting story about this book. President Bill Clinton, you may recall, 
cited Quigle
y as his favorite professor. MacMillan Co. first published the book, a massively 
detailed history o
f the 20th century that
 is more than 1,300 pages long, in 1966.
Although being a history buff I highly recommend it, you can well imagine it did not 
make the best-
seller list. In fact, the book remained largely unknown outside, I suppose, academic 
circles until
some conservatives disc
overed it and, leaping on the passage cited above and others, began to publicize it 
greatly.
By the time I discovered it, the story was out that Macmillan -- Establishment to the 
core at that
time -- had abruptly, without notifying Quigley, taken the book out of print and, what 
is even more
 unusual, destroyed the
 printing plates.
This, it turns out, was true. I tracked down Quigley's widow, and she verified that 
Macmillan had i
ndeed done that and that her husband had been highly upset when he learned of it. 
Obviously it is t
he kind of book, repres
enting such massive labor, that normally would be revised for future editions.
In this case, conservatives did us all a favor. The entire book was photocopied and, 
with Quigley's
 permission, reprinted by a California company. So, you can still find copies.
Admittedly it's not beach reading, and don't expect to find Quigley justifying the 
John Birch Socie
ty. Quigley was well left of center and, in fact, ridicules middle-class Americans. He 
is particula
rly scornful of those w
ho supported Sen. Barry Goldwater in 1964, which includes, by the way, me.
Nevertheless, Quigley was a good writer and was apparently one of those men willing to 
follow the t
ruth wherever it led to the extent that he could discern it. It's the only history 
I've read that r
eally goes into detail
about the influence of the bankers and the financial elites, the so-called Eastern 
Establishment or
 the Anglophile Network.
You'll find many famous names and surprising explanations for events. The New 
Republic, famous toda
y for its liberalism, was actually started by the Morgan interests to provide a safe 
outlet for the
 progressive left and t
o lead them toward the Establishment position.
You'll find explanations of how the Establishment, with its financial and newspaper 
resources, coul
d favor those it liked by providing grants and favorable reviews to their works. 
You'll probably be
 surprised at the enorm
ous influence Wall Street has had, and I'm sure still has, on the Ivy League schools.
Like a lot of modern historians, Quigley writes as if he were a novelist, using the 
omniscient view
point. His conceit and his prejudices show. There are no footnotes, just mainly his 
assertions, whi
ch is the style that hi
storians seem to prefer these days. He presumes no doubt to know a lot more than he
actually knew, because there are few among us who can read other people's minds.
Still and all, the massive amount of details and his generally swift-moving prose
make it well worth reading, though certainly not in one or two sittings. It is a dip-
in book that can provide you with lots of dips.
Reach Charley Reese at 407-420-5315 or [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Copyright � 2001, Orlando Sentinel


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The only real voyage of discovery consists not in seeking
new landscapes but in having new eyes. -Marcel Proust
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The libertarian therefore considers one of his prime educational
tasks is to spread the demystification and desanctification of the
State among its hapless subjects.  His task is to demonstrate
repeatedly and in depth that not only the emperor but even the
"democratic" State has no clothes; that all governments subsist
by exploitive rule over the public; and that such rule is the reverse
of objective necessity.  He strives to show that the existence of
taxation and the State necessarily sets up a class division between
the exploiting rulers and the exploited ruled.  He seeks to show that
the task of the court intellectuals who have always supported the State
has ever been to weave mystification in order to induce the public to
accept State rule and that these intellectuals obtain, in return, a
share in the power and pelf extracted by the rulers from their deluded
subjects.
[[For a New Liberty:  The Libertarian Manifesto, Murray N. Rothbard,
Fox & Wilkes, 1973, 1978, p. 25]]

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