-Caveat Lector- ----- Original Message ----- From: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Sent: Saturday, July 14, 2001 1:11 PM Subject: The Occult Technology of Power (Part III of IV) > Message-ID: <pST37.1244$[EMAIL PROTECTED]> > Date: Sat, 14 Jul 2001 09:00:05 GMT > NNTP-Posting-Host: 148.59.19.49 > X-Complaints-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] > X-Trace: nntp.msen.com 995101205 148.59.19.49 (Sat, 14 Jul 2001 05:00:05 EDT) > NNTP-Posting-Date: Sat, 14 Jul 2001 05:00:05 EDT > Organization: Msen, Inc. > Lines: 762 > > > Subject: The Occult Technology of Power (Part III of IV) > > A-albionic Research Up-date of 11-11-94 > ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ > > ******Contents******** > > 1. The Occult Technology of Power by the "Transcriber" (Part III of IV) > > 2. Flame and Flame Response > > 3. A Word from Our Sponsor > ********************** > > > The > > Occult > > Technology > > of > > Power > > ********** > > A Project of the > Society for Illuminating > the Sources of Power > > ********** > > ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ > > The Occult Technology > of Power, 64 page Paperback Edition $8.95 + $3.95 p & h > Copyright 1974 > > All Rights Reserved for Printed Editions > E-text editions may be distributed without limit > as long as the address of the Copyright Holder > or publisher is included. Print-outs from e-text > are not allowed. > > Published by: > > A-albionic Research > PO Box 20273 > Ferndale, Michigan 48034 > > ISBN 0-55950-009-3 > > Library of Congress > Card Catalog Number 88-083670 > > For further information, sources, comments, & discussion write: > > A-albionic Research [EMAIL PROTECTED] > ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ > > THE TRANSCRIPTS > > My Introduction to your Initiation > > 1. Professor A. on the Role of Fraud in Nature > > 2. Professor Q. on Occult Knowledge as > the Key to Power > > 3. Professor M. on the Economics of > Central Banking > > 4. Professor B. on the Functions of the Central > Bank in the Mature Finance Capitalist System > > 5. Professor G. on Social and Business Legislation > and Policy > > 6. Professor D. on the Role of Public Education > > 7. Professor X. on Prestigious Associations and > Secret Societies > > 8. Professor Y. on Covert Operations > and Intelligence > > My Closing Remarks > > Afterword by the Transcriber > > Sources: > > Indispensable Thoughts on History, Economics, Politics, > Philosophy, and Human Nature > > The Left on the Ruling Class > > The Right on the Conspiracy Theory of History > > ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ > > > **5** > PROFESSOR G. ON SOCIAL > AND BUSINESS > LEGISLATION AND POLICY > > > "There is no proletarian, not even a Communist, > movement, that has not operated in the interests of > money, in the direction indicated by money, and for > the time being permitted by money--and that > without the idealists among its leaders having the > slightest suspicion of the fact. " > -Oswald Spengler > Decline of the West > > "Also at the (SDS) convention, men from Business > International Roundtables .... tried to buy up > some radicals. These are the world's leading indus- > trialists and they convene to decide how our lives > are going to go ..... > We were also offered Esso (Rockefeller) money. > They want us to make a lot of radical commotion so > they can look more in the center as they move to > the left." > -James Kunen > The Strawberry Statement: > Notes of a College > Revolutionary > > The danger to our system clearly is not that the "people" > will spontaneously rise up and dispossess us. The "peo- > ple" never initiate anything. All successful movements are > led from the top, usually without the knowledge of the move- > ment, by men like your father with vast resources and > brilliant plans. The real danger arises in the upper-middle > classes. Occasionally, these people make vast fortunes > through some brilliant technological innovation in their > business or through the favor of local politicians that escape > our influence. Because of their ignorance of the reality of our > power, however, the new rich usually fall easily into our > hands. For instance, they seldom realize until too late that > the dozens of loans they may owe to apparently independent > banks can be called simultaneously with a mere nod from > your father. Graver danger is presented by those whose > enterprises are so successful as to be self-financing. Since > the advent of the corporate income tax truly self-financing > corporations are extremely rare. Most disquieting is when > these upstarts acquire the covert or open support and advice > of your father's major international antagonists. This is par- > ticularly dangerous in countries with long democratic tradi- > tions where it is difficult to make our arbitrary rulings stick. > > The best solution is to enact comprehensive taxes and > business regulations in the name of the common good. Such > measures reduce the incidence of significant upstart competi- > tion to manageable levels. This policy, of course, strangles > innovation and productivity. Reduction of the GNPs in > countries under your father's control would be acceptable in > the interests of secure power under the pretext of conserva- > tion, ecology. or no-growth stability except that if carried too > far your father's clout vis-a vis his international rivals would > be impaired. The most difficult problem for the money lord is > determining the level of social and economic freedom he > dares allow for the sake of his international power. Only > method is to maintain a home base of carefully monitored, > relative freedom on which to base the economic and military > strength required to maintain an empire of totalitarian dic- > tatorships abroad. The following measures, however, are > found necessary by nearly all money lords: > > 1. Steeply Graduated Income Tax. Income tax does not affect > us because our money was accumulated before the tax was > imposed and most of it is now safely protected in our > network of tax exempt foundations. Foundation income and > capital can legally be used to finance the bulk of our social, > economic, literary, and even political propaganda. In a pinch > it is easily diverted to illegal uses. Expensive "studies" > required by our profitable economic operations can be legiti- > mately financed through foundations. > > To the middle classes, however. income tax makes life > into an endless treadmill. Even the most productive find > themselves unable to accumulate significant capital. They are > forced into the clutches of our Central Bank entourage for > injections of the inflationary credit which we are privileged > to create out of nothing. The self-financing wealth of the > legendary 19th Century robber barons and early Twentieth > Century tycoons is no longer possible. Although your grand > father owed his start to just those wide-open conditions, he > was among the first of the super-rich to advocate the > erection of the tax wall that is now in place. Please note that > in democratic countries eternal vigilance is required to > prevent our tax shield from being riddled with loop holes by > conniving legislators, who are usually of the tax oppressed, > upper-middle class origins themselves. > > 2. Business Regulation. When upstarts slip through our > financial tentacles and tax shields, perhaps with the aid of > outsiders, a second line of defense becomes vital licensing in > the crucial area of broadcasting has proven particularly > necessary. This makes serious upstart-led mass political > challenge impossible. Harassment by bureaucrats armed with > arbitrary and voluminous industrial safety regulations is a > new and increasingly effective technique. Security registra- > tion requirements, "to protect the small investor," can cause > fatal delays in an upstart's ability to raise capital on the stock > market. Ecological considerations are easily perverted to > stymie the plans of those who would upset the stability of > our carefully planned system. > > Anti-trust law, however, is our ultimate weapon. The > handy doctrine of "pure and perfect" competition which we > have fostered in our universities is ideally suited to convict- > mg any successful competitor, at our discretion. If the > competitor charges a lower price than ours he is accused of > "unfair competition" aimed at driving us from the field to > impair future competition. If he asks the same price as we > he is open to the charge of collusion. If he charges more than > us, he is obviously exploiting his "monopoly power" at the > expense of the consumer. Fortunately, the rulings of our > bureaucrats are so complicated that even when successfully > appealed in court many years elapse before the ruling is > rendered. By then our goals are often achieved through > harassment. > > Product quality, safety, and testing regulations are > excellent methods by which we insulate our established > industries from potential competition. Beside raising the > costs of entry into the auto business, for instance, the cost of > "safety" can be passed to the consumer along with a healthy > profit mark-up. > > 3. Subsidies, Tariffs, and Foreign Aid. Although direct sub- > sidies can occasionally be procured for our entourage of cor- > porations by appealing to the masses' desire to preserve jobs, > this exploitive technique is usually too obvious. Tariffs are > easily passed, but lead to retaliation against our foreign > holdings. Foreign aid and soft (sure to be defaulted) govern- > ment guaranteed loans, however, fill the bill perfectly under > modern conditions. Foreign aid maintains our empire of for- > eign dictators abroad while providing guaranteed, highly > profitable sales to our corporations at home base. Foreign aid > should always be contingent on the purchase of goods, > usually military hardware, that only our entourage of firms > can provide. Few have the courage to oppose such altruistic > aid to the "starving masses" of the "third world." > > 4. Centralization of Power. Real division of power between > national, state, and local government is dangerous to our > system. When local politicians have real autonomy, even in > limited spheres, they can do much to enable upstarts to > challenge our power. Our program is to bring all levels of > government under our sway through such innovations as > federal aid, revenue sharing, high federal taxation, and > regional government. > > 5. Alliance with the Lower Classes. In order to keep our > valuable regulatory machinery in place and under our control > we must have the mass support of the numerous lower > classes against our vigorous, but scarce middle-class rivals. > The best method is to provide the lower classes with sub- > sidies at the expense of the middle class. This creates a > mutual hatred that prevents the middle class from appealing > effectively to the lower classes for support. Social security, > free health care, unemployment benefits, and direct welfare > payments, while doing nothing for us directly, create a de- > pendent class whose support for our critical measures can > easily be made part of a package deal. Please note also that > the major labor unions began with our financing and are led > to this day by leaders of our choosing. No one can rise to or > remain at the top of a rough and tumble union without our > financial backing. In spite of their rebellious rhetoric, bought > union leaders are the source of our power over the manage- > ment of firms with widely held stock. Unions are the ultimate > weapon for destroying otherwise invulnerable, self-financing > rivals. Further, downward flexibility of wages and prices > which obtains without widespread unionization would in- > crease the ability of the economy to survive without our aid > during the economic crises we create. > > Bread and circuses are as useful today as in Roman times > for mobilizing the mob against our staid adversaries. Next, > Professor D. will describe our education policies. > > > **6** > PROFESSOR D. ON THE > ROLE OF PUBLIC > EDUCATION > > "In our dreams we have limitless resources and the > people yield themselves with perfect docility to our > molding hands. The present educational conventions > fade from our minds, and unhampered by tradition, > we work our good will upon a grateful and respon- > sive rural folk . . . The task we set before ourselves > is a beautiful one, to train these people as we find > them to a perfectly ideal life just as they are. So we > will organize our children into a little community and > teach them to do in a perfect way the things their > fathers and mothers are doing in an imperfect way > in the home, in shop, and on the farm." > -The objective of Rockefeller > "philanthropies" stated by him and > Gates in Occasional Letter No. 1 of > Rockefeller's General Education Board. > > > "A general state education is a mere contrivance for > molding people to be exactly like one another; and > as the mold in which it casts them is that which > pleases the predominant power in the government- > whether this be a monarch, a priesthood, an aristoc- > racy, or the majority of the existing generation--in > proportion as it is efficient and successful, it estab- > lishes a despotism over the mind, leading by natural > tendency to one over the body." > -John Stuart Mill > > > In order to maintain our system of power, the institution > of universal public education is indispensable. The an- > archy of private education in which any manner of dangerous > ideas could be spread cannot be tolerated. Thus we make > private education financially impossible to all but the few > mostly the elite offspring of our financial entourage, by means > of burdensome taxation and regulation. The primary purpose > of public education is to inculcate the idea that our crucial > institutions of coercion and monopoly were created for the > public good by popular national heroes to blunt the past > power of the malefactors of great wealth. Crucial is to create > the impression that, although the people have been exploited > in the past, today the wealthy are at the mercy of an all- > powerful government which is firmly in the hands of the > people or do-gooding liberals. > > For those of more sophistication who reject this Pollyanna > view of reality, we promote the "liberal reformer mentality" > which holds that a new era of reform is on the verge of > crushing forever the last vestiges of money lordism. Of > course, the reforms, after taking shape as a bewildering > myriad of regulatory agencies and taxes, are found to be > ineffective in subordinating our power to the popular will, > whereupon we stir up another era of progressive reform. > > Our contrived Left-Right spectrum which our compulsory > education helps to make universal is valuable in assuring that > this charade does not get out of hand. The Pollyannas in the > middle are neither dangerous nor useful in this endeavor. > What is needed is a feeble, but persistent right-conservatism > to moderate and emasculate the liberal reforms. Conserva- > tives tend to resist all the advances in centralized, govern- > ment power that we lead the liberals to see as necessary in > order to totally end the "undemocratic" power of money in > society. Conservatism would rather promote a "pluralism" of > competing interests in which money is the medium of compe- > tition than risk the excesses of "big government," When > "liberal" reforms show signs of exceeding our intentions and > actually threaten to place our key institutions in the hands of > the people, we can always count on the conservatives to > defend our power under the illusion that they are defending > the legitimate rights of "free-enterprise capitalists." On the > rare occasions when conservatives call for subjecting our > enterprises to laissez-faire competition, we can count on the > dominant liberal reformers to insist on more government > interference, unaware of our desire for such, in effect, self- > administered regulation. > > The Right has such a fear of the Left's dream of democra- > tic collectivism and the Left such a hatred for what it sees as > the Right's elitist, rugged individualism that there is little > danger that they will ever join forces to overturn our govern- > ment-backed monopolies even though we violate the ideals of > both left and right. > > Centralization of control at the state, or preferably > national level, assists in building the climate of opinion we > require in public education. Failing to obliterate local control, > other methods nearly as effective are available. Our over- > whelming financial clout in the publishing industry can induce > relatively uniform textbook selection. Further leverage can > be created by promoting teacher colleges and teaching > machines. National teacher's associations and unions are also > an excellent power base from which to foster our programs > of indoctrination. > > With our great influence in publishing and publicity we > are able to, selectively popularize educational theorists whose > views are incidentally beneficial, compatible, or at least not > in conflict with our own goals. This way we obtain sincere, > energetic activists to propagate our desires without having to > reveal our motives or even existence. We do not want an > educational system that produces hard-driving individuals > bent on amassing great wealth and power. Therefore, we > discourage education that would develop the potential powers > of students to their fullest. "Liberal" education that stresses > knowledge for its own sake or even sophistry and sterile > mental gymnastics is of no danger to us. "Relevant," > vocational, or career oriented education also poses no danger > to our power. Education that prepares students to accept a > cog-like existence in our military-industrial-social-welfare- > regulation complex is ideal. Progressive education with its > stress on "social adjustment" also produces the conformity > we require of our subjects. Emphasis on competitive sports > may produce a certain amount of disruptive competitiveness > among the participants, but primarily has the effect of > creating life-long voyeuristic spectators who will enthusias- > tically sublimate their competitiveness into endless hours of > following college and professional sports on the boob tube. > Space spectaculars and dramatic political infighting are also > marvelous diversions with which to occupy the masses. > > Anyone seeking social change will gravitate to the field of > education. Our strategy is simple: Let only those succeed > whose influence would be compatible with our power. En- > courage all who would develop the passive or receptive mode > of existence. Discourage all who promote the aggressive or > active capacities. Build a great cult of salvation through end- > less education, touting it as the "democratic" path to success > Deride the frontal approach to success of the "outmoded'; > rugged individualist. > > Before yielding the floor to Professor X., who will discuss > the role of secret societies and prestigious clubs, I would like > to comment on the demise of religious education as a vehicle > for social control. Religion, in its time, was a remarkable > weapon for inculcating subservience, altruism, and self-abne- > gation among our subjects. We did not give up this weapon > voluntarily. Your grandfather, for one, supported the Baptist > faith well after most finance capitalists had turned wholly to > secular ideologies. However, a trend toward rationality in > human affairs plods along inexorably quite outside the reach > of our power. Only in our totalitarian dictatorships can this > trend be quashed entirely. In the semi-open societies in > which our money power is based, the forces of reason can > only be impeded and diverted. Some have theorized that, > eventually, widespread rational egoism will overturn our > order. I am confident that secular faiths and just plain confu- > sion will suffice to sustain our power for many centuries to > come. > > **7** > PROFESSOR X. ON > PRESTIGIOUS > ASSOCIATIONS AND > SECRET SOCIETIES > > > "Every compulsion is put upon writers to become > safe, polite, obedient, and sterile. In protest, I de- > clined election to the National Institute of Arts and > Letters some years ago, and now I must decline the > Pulitzer Prize. " > -Upton Sinclair > > > "It is useless to deny, because it is impossible to > conceal, that a great part of Europe--the whole of > Italy and France and a great portion of Germany, to > say nothing of other countries--is covered with a > network of these secret societies, just as the super- > ficies of the earth is now being covered with rail- > roads." > -Benjamin Disraeli > (Earl of Beaconsfield) > July 14, 1856 > > In preserving and protecting our grasp on nations we > must exert veiled control of all major opinion molding > associations and especially prestigious clubs which attract the > leaders in various fields and do so much to influence the dis- > pensing of commanding positions in government and > business. Associations of the leading scholars, businessmen, > writers, religionists, artists, bureaucrats, newsmen, ideolo- > gists, publishers, broadcasters, and professional men as well > as special interest groups representing laborers, farmers, > consumers, racial minorities, and so on must be subtly kept > under the broad limits of our sway. Since membership dues > and fees are never sufficient to support their ambitious ac- > tivities, voluntary, non-profit organizations are easy prey for > the nearly unlimited financial resources of our entourage. > However, our real motive, to further our political and econo- > mic power, must not be revealed in the process. Our policies > must be laboriously rationalized in terms compatible with > prevalent ideologies and moralities or the material advantage > of the groups involved. Leaders of such groups are remark- > ably quick to accept our rationalizations when financial > support is extended. We engage in outright bribery only as a > last resort, and then, only in extreme cases. Our long-range > interests are better served by temporarily postponing a > policy victory than by risking exposure of our power by at- > tempting outright bribery. In fact, clumsy bribery and intim- > idation attempts are characteristic of our foolish nouveau > riche opponents. > > As an example, if we decide that federal rather than state > chartering or licensing of corporations would further our > control over the economy, we would not simply order > politicians and opinion leaders to support our desires. Cor- > porations not relishing central control would be suspicious > that something was afoot and might expose our plot. Our > strategy would be as follows: 1. Sacrifice one of our less > competent management teams in a well-publicized corporate > scandal in order to focus attention on the "widespread > problem of corporate corruption under current, lax regula- > tions." 2. Through well-funded agents, thrust into the public- > ity spotlight intellectuals or groups who already support > federal licensing as a piecemeal step toward socialism. (One > can find pre-existing supporters for nearly any measure with > sufficient effort.) 3. After the issue is before the public, offer > to support through foundations the "objective" study of the > federal licensing proposals being discussed with an eye > toward proposing legislation. Often, simultaneous support for > studies by disreputable, irrational groups who will oppose the > proposal is useful as well. Provide no platform for > well-reasoned opposition. 4. When a ground swell of support > appears to be building provide the interested lobbying organ- > izations with plenty of funds to grease the palms of politi- > cians. The enactment of the federal licensing law thus > appears as the will of society. Last ditch opposition automa- > tically appears mean spirited, obstructionist, reactionary, and > paranoid, serving only to discredit our opposition. > > In our fully developed system of finance capitalist thought > control and promotion control, our hierarchy of prestigious > associations is capped by a single prestige society: The > Council of World Affairs. This organization is a front for the > secret society of which your father is head. This secret > society is made up of the people who have spoken, plus six > others not present. You are replacing Professor Q. who is to > retire shortly. Eventually you will replace your father. We > thirteen are your father's advisors and only confidants. All > other agents are misled as to the bulk of our objectives and > motives. Their knowledge is restricted to the details required > by their assignments. The penalty for disloyalty is death. > > The Council is invaluable for propagating our policy deci- > sions to our entourage without revealing our motives and > strategy. In many instances, policy can he successfully sold > to our entourage and thus transmitted to the multitudes by > merely airing it along with appropriate rationalizations in a > single awe-inspiring session of the Council. The informal > power of the Council is such that our policy manipulations are > usually attainable without the clumsy exercises in brute > power that invariably snag the independent power seekers. > The Council is at the heart of what is called the Establish- > ment and we are at the heart of the Council. > > At the Council's inception, we worked hard to attract the > successful of all fields with all the prestige that our money > power could buy. We had to work hard convincing the > independent, self-made Council members to move in harmony > with our policy objectives. We had many failures. Now > everything is changed. Membership is no longer a reward for > success as much as it is a prerequisite for major success. > Without Council membership only the most outstanding can > achieve national prominence. With membership, glaring > mediocrities, with the "right" attitudes, achieve prominence. > In fact. mediocrities are much more adapted to propagating > our policy rationalizations and less likely to detect and oppose > our ulterior motives. A power lusting mediocrity is not likely > to judge his benefactors too harshly or inquire diligently into > the nature of the power structure that brought him what he > fears was undeserved success. The vanity of even idealistic, > committed humanitarians militates against such a course. > > The Council is now a giant employment agency of loyal- > ists ready to parrot our public line from the commanding > posts of government, foundations, broadcasting, industry, > banking, and publishing. Although Council members are en- > couraged to take sides and bicker over the diversionary > issues we create to entertain and enfeeble the populace, their > solidarity in defending our power structure, root and branch, > when pressed is a sight to behold! And to think that most see > themselves as righteous defenders of the public good while > they dismiss whispered rumors of our power structure as > "kooky paranoia." > > Classical secret societies with elaborate circles within > circles no longer play a major role in finance capitalist power > structures. Most wide membership secret societies have > degenerated into middle class excuses for escaping the wife > and kids once a month for the company of men. But secret > societies were a major weapon of our bourgeoisie forebearers > in their struggle with the old feudal order of kings and > princes. Under authoritarian despotism of the old style, the > secret society was the only place a free thinking man could > express himself. Through threats of exposure, loyalty oaths, > patronage, deception, and rewards we bound such malcon- > tents into a fierce force for our revolution. The multitude of > degrees, occult mumbo-jumbo, and vague humanitarianism > concealed the real goals of our secret societies from the bulk > of the membership. The roles of the "Illuminated" Masonic > Lodges in European revolutions were decisive in our final > victory over the old order. > > I now yield the floor to Professor Y. who will discourse > on the real "secret societies" the Modern Finance Capitalist > State: the National Security Institutions and Intelligence > Agencies. > ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ > > 2. Flame and Flame Response > ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ > Many of you have asked how Ron Boutwell got your name for his silly > flame of The Occult Technology Power reprinted below. I suppose he did a > "who" of the List, which is legal. Those who do not want to receive his > materials should simply ask him to remove you from his list. Complaining > to me will be of no use. > > This the same Ron Boutwell who "accidently" bombed prj_weekly > with 42 Megs of graphics files. I cannot be sure if it was an > accident or not! His attitude sure makes it difficult to believe > his claims of innocence. > > >From [EMAIL PROTECTED] Tue Nov 15 05:40:45 1994 > Date: Mon, 14 Nov 1994 01:57:28 -0500 (EST) > From: James Daugherty <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> > To: Ron Boutwell <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>, > New Paradigms Discussion <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> > > Subject: Re: A-Albionic Comments > > On Sun, 13 Nov 1994, Ron Boutwell wrote: > > > So who the Hell is "Doctor X" and "Professor Y"? > > > > I don't know about you, but there's so many holes in this > > "Doctor X" and "Professor Y" trip that A-Albionic has been > > filling our e-mail boxes with that it's rediculous. I can't > > believe that any organization that wishes to be taken ser- > > iously would publish such ill-sourced nonsense. > > The sources for the book will be listed at the end. Do you really think > we should list them at the beginning? Ill-sourced? Unless you have read > the printed version, how would you know? > > The book presents a simplified version of a ruling class/conspiracy > theory, ie. how a whole society might be controlled by a tiny elite of > mega-buck manipulators. I agree that there are holes in it. Anyone > familiar with my thinking would know that I would disagree with OTP on the > basis of it being "a-historical". > > Please list the "holes" that you see. You see, that would be discussion. > > However, I think the book is a worthwhile "thought exercise". > > > You, I or > > anyone can make any wild claim we want and sign our > > names as "Special K" and there will then be no possible > > way to check our claims for validity. That would be a > > mistake. A bigger mistake in credibility would be for some > > idiot to believe anything we say when they can't check our > > sources, but the most absurd mistake would be to publish > > quotes from anyone signing their names as "Doctor X". > > THE NATIONAL ENQUIRER and THE WEEKLY STAR > > present better source material than that thus rendering > > them more credible that A-Albionic now. The only people > > who could possibly believe this nonsense now would be > > those pathetically paranoid individuals who's real lives are > > so boring that they really want to belive in a secret occult > > conspiracy going on behind their backs. This would have to > > be true because any rational intelligent human would need > > CREDIBLE SOURCES. > > Gosh, is anyone being asked to "believe"? The book, The Occult > Technology of Power, is obviously meant as a work to stimulate thought > and inquiry. I would think that is why "Sources" and an "Afterword" are > included. > > > And I thought A-Albionic had gone off the deep end and > > comitted "credibility suicide" when they started quoting > > that rediculous "Holy Blood; Holy Grail" book where the authors > > site their own previous books as sources, plagiarize better > > authors for pages on end, and go as far as to elude strongly > > to the fact that Jesus decended from space aliens. I really > > thought this was as hopelessly pathetic as A-Albionic could > > get.....until now. This must really be rock bottom. > > > > A-albionic Research sells 3500 ruling class/conspiracy books, including > Holy Blood/Holy Grail. Frankly, I put no stock in the book, though I do > think the HB/HG authors have been taken-in by some sort of > Merovingian/Gnostic conspiracy to influence society via certain > allegories. You are confusing A-albionic with someone else. No one at > A-albionic puts any stock in Holy Blood/Holy Grail. > > Perhaps you are thinking of the Hawthorn Abendsen piece "Inside the Men's > Club" which mentioned HB/HG? His theories were printed for discussion in > 1990, but have little to do with A-albionic's line of research. > > Mr. Boutwell, why not try discussing specifics instead of assuming your > opponent is a total idiot at the outset? Think! > > 3. And Now, A Word from Our Sponsor: > ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ > > >From A-albionic Research's "New Paradigms" Gopher: > (gopher gopher.a-albionic.com 9006) > > For information: [EMAIL PROTECTED] > ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ > > A-albionic's Universal Book Service > > A-albionic Research, the sponsor of the New Paradigms Project, also > operates a universal book service. > > In Print Books: > ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ > A-albionic will supply any book currently in print for list plus a $3.95 > shipping and handling charge (per order not per book). > > Rare/Out-of-print/Used Books: > ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ > For a $3.00 non-refundable fee, A-albionic will submit any book title to > its exclusive network of book specialists. > ------------------------ > > However!!! 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