-Caveat Lector-
from a reprint.
First published 1940
-----
The
PAMPHLETEER
A FORUM OF PUBLIC OPINION
No editorial opinion or criticism appears in any issue of this publication.
The Pamphleteer simply presents. The reader is the sole and final judge.
Sir Uncle Sam
Knight of the British Empire
by
John J. Whiteford
IN THESE DAYS of national and international confusion and conflict there is
one issue on which the American people are substantially in agreement . . .
We do not want war.
This great desire to keep out of war is perfectly logical. We know the cost
of war from, bitter experience. We are no more responsible for the outbreak
of the present hostilities than we were in 1914. We are not an aggressor
nation and we have no designs on foreign territory. We have nothing to gain
and much to lose if we again take part in foreign wars. We have enough vital
problems at home that require all of our attention and efforts. When, and if,
the time should ever arrive, we shall be fully able and willing to defend our
shores against foreign invasion.
There are indeed a thousand-and-one good reasons why we should stay out of
foreign wars.
With all the self-evident advantages of peace for America as against the
horrors of war in Europe and Asia, and with an overwhelming majority of our
people against war, there still remains the ominous fact that there is a
definite danger of this country drifting towards war. Even as in 1914, we are
again being deluged and directed by foreign propaganda, only to a much larger
extent. Again we have no clear understanding of the real issues involved. In
our confusion we are again taking sides, mentally so far, but that is a ripe
condition for expert foreign propagandists to lead us towards active
participation in the present conflicts.
I would like to say to every American "There is only one side we can take and
that is the American side." With this in mind let us try to find out what are
the real facts behind these foreign-made conflicts, what are the basic issues
at stake, and what are the forces that are so desperately working to again
involve the United States in a world war. Only by facing facts and by
clearing our minds from the fog of selfish foreign propaganda can we arrive
at the right answer to the question . . . "What is best for America?"
FOR ALL OUR so-called civilization, the impelling force behind the present
struggles in Europe and in Asia is still the law of the jungle . . . the
survival of the fittest. Whether we like to admit it or not, that same force
guided the early settlers of New England and Virginia when they had to fight
for their very existence in a strange and hostile land where they were not
invited. In the conquest of this new continent our forefathers proved
themselves the strongest . . . the fittest . . . and the original owners, the
Indians, lost. Only by the process of applying their superior fitness could
our ancestors have built themselves a new home, gained their independence and
created a rich and powerful nation. We, as their descendants, stand ready to
defend our country with all our might if ever the time should come when we
are called upon to show our fitness to "have and to hold" what we have gained.
The struggle of tile building of America is only one example of the struggle
of mankind since the beginning. The greatest example of all time is the
building of the greatest empire in history . . . the British Empire . . .
covering roughly one-fourth of the world's land surface and inhabited by a
quarter of the world's population.
When we speak of the British Empire we must bear in mind a much larger
picture than just 13,300,000 square miles of land and 500,000,000 people. It
is a huge international institution of world production, consumption and
distribution, with all the related activities of commerce, finance, shipping,
industry, and so forth. This vast undertaking is not limited to the
geographical borders of tile Empire. Its influence extends to every part of
the globe, from Hongkong to Durbin, from Gibraltar to Cairo, from Singapore
to Aden, from Melbourne to Montreal, from Bombay to Bermuda, from London
everywhere.
The very vastness of the British Empire and its operations constitutes a
constant danger to itself and to the peace of the world. Whenever any other
nation feels the urge to expand, for whatever reasons and in whatever
direction, it automatically comes in conflict with the broad interests of the
British Empire.
In the Orient the Sino-Japanese conflict is not only a local matter between
China and Japan. It is in reality a threat to British interests in China; to
British "concessions" in China; to the huge British investments in China; to
British control of Chinese railways and revenues; to British trade and
shipping and even to the British port of Hongkong in China. It is a blow to
British prestige and power in the Orient, with repercussions throughout the
world. It is actually a challenge to the British Empire. It brought from
Britain a cry of outraged justice while at the same time she tried to deposit
the Sino-Japanese problem into the lap of the United States.
When Italy marched into Ethiopia, Britain again became highly indignant. This
was not because of a profound love for the Ethiopians nor because Ethiopia
might bring Italy great wealth. If Ethiopia had really been very valuable,
that country could have been, and probably would have been annexed to the
British Empire long ago. The real reason for Britain's agitation was the fact
that Italy dared challenge British power in the Mediterranean and endanger
British control of the vital Suez Canal regions.
The Treaty of Versailles was in reality an instrument for the permanent
elimination of Germany as a world competitor of Great Britain. For years
after its signing the German people chafed under this yoke, to the point
where, defeated and discouraged, Germany became dangerously close to becoming
a Communist Soviet Republic. Gradually German leadership took hold and pulled
the people out of their spirit of defeatism and, as the pendulum swings, so
has Germany again become a menace to Great Britain.
The great bear of Russia is also a definite threat to the British Empire,
with its Communistic paws uncomfortably close to the Balkan and Suez Canal
countries, to India and Burma, and already resting heavily upon a large
section of China.
Today, denuded of all propaganda, there is only one fundamental issue behind
all the conflict in Europe and Asia ... the survival of the British Empire.
That was also the real issue of the World War. It is the old challenge of
Napoleon.
THE MOST IMPORTANT international question before the people of this country,
and of the world, is whether Great Britain can continue indefinitely to
defend herself and her Empire against all comers, singly or in combination,
and prove her fitness to "have and to hold" her dominant world position.
Therein also lies the key to the problem whether America may or may not again
be drawn into a world war.
It seems to me that the answer to the above question is definite and
indisputable . . . Britain can not win a major war in Europe and Asia without
the active assistance of the most powerful of all nations, the United States.
In their own interest the people of this country will have to make up their
minds, soon and soberly and without being influenced by undue sentiment,
whether America shall continue to gamble with her youth and her treasure to
help defend the British Empire in every new crisis, or whether there are
saner and better ways of insuring the peace of the world.
Today the greatest single menace to the peace of the United States is the
same as in 1914. It can be summed up in one word ... PROPAGANDA. Even as
today, this country was "neutral" at the beginning of the World War and
managed to stay out of it from 1914 until 1917. But during that time the
foreign propaganda machines were working overtime to get us involved in a war
that was decidedly not of our making. Finally, on April 6, 1917, America
declared war on Germany and so became an active ally of Britain. In addition
to the United States, the other "Allies" were: Belgium, Brazil, China, Cuba,
France, Greece, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Italy, Japan, Nicaragua, Panama,
Portugal, Roumania, Russia, Serbia and Siam. It is true that some of the
Allies, like the United States, were active only during part of the war
period while others were little more than benevolent bystanders. But against
this powerful combination the group of Germany, Austria-Hungary, Turkey and
Bulgaria held out for more than four years, from August, 1914, until
November, 1918, and the German group might have won the war but for the
entrance of America into the conflict.
In the present crisis the only active Allies of Britain are, so far, the
British Empire units and France. If the conflict should spread into another
world war Britain cannot again count on her former combination of Allies, in
fact, it is more than likely that some of these countries will be lined up
against her. Therefore, the most powerful ally of all, the United States,
must be kept in line by Britain against eventualities. That can only be
accomplished through propaganda. And the British are past-masters in the art
of making gullible Americans swallow the bait of persuasive propaganda.
Few Americans realize the magnitude of British influence in this country.
When I write frankly on this subject I fully understand that I lay myself
open to the accusation of favoring Britain's enemies. That is not at all the
case. I am only following the single track of being pro-American and I would
be grateful to any critics if they would join me on that straight road. I
clearly see the menace of all subversive movements, as well as the great
necessity of combating all these un-American activities. The point is that,
in our justified agitation over Communism, Nazism and Fascism, we are
overlooking another subversive movement that has actually proven to be more
destructive to our peace and welfare. In the past it has been largely
responsible for drawing this country into the World War at a cost of
thousands of our young men and billions of dollars and a long period of
depression. It does not work openly and it is not generally recognized by the
public. It does not yell from soap boxes in Union Square, call strikes,
picket or hold parades. It operates from the top down and so it reaches into
every strata of American life. It is the far-reaching power of British
propaganda to make this country subservient to the interests of Great Britain
and the British Empire.
THE SCENE is a banquet held at the Hotel Plaza, New York City, October 25,
1939. This banquet was given by the Pilgrim Society of America in honor of
the Marques of Lothian, British Ambassador to the United States. It is an old
custom of the American Pilgrims to extend this honor to every newly appointed
British Ambassador, the same as the British Pilgrims invite every new
American Ambassa-dor to their midst at a banquet in London.
There are several curious things about these Pilgrim functions. In the first
place there is present at these dinners an array of notables such as it would
be difficult to bring together under one roof for any other purpose and by
any other society. The Lothian dinner was no exception. Presiding over this
affair was Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, President of Columbia University and
Chairman of the American Pilgrim Society. Among the guests were John D.
Rockefeller and J. P. Morgan, Thomas W. Lamont and other members of the House
of Morgan, Frank L. Polk, Jeremiah Milbank, James W. Gerard (former American
Ambassador to Germany), the French Ambassador to the United States, Lieut.
General Hugh A. Drum, U.S.A., Major General John G. Harbord (Chairman of the
Radio Corporation of America), the Secretary of the Treasury, Henry
Morgenthau, and many other leading figures in government, diplomacy,
politics, finance, banking, shipping, law, industry, insurance and education.
These men had come especially to honor Lord Lothian and to hear him speak.
Before this important audience-Lord Lothian's speech could not merely be a
light after-dinner talk of clever stories and witticisms. It was an important
speech and as such it was carried by the New York Times as front page news.
As a highly experienced publicist Lord Lothian opened his remarks with the
naive statement that his country has no propaganda in America; that he would
merely explain his country's position. The "explanation of his country's
position" developed into the same old theme of most British statesmen,
writers, lecturers, publicists and other trumpeters for Anglo-American unity.
It can be summed up in one stereotyped formula: "For your own good and for
the good of the world, these two great democracies, the British Empire and
the United States, must stick together." What this plea to America really
amounts to is this: "We have the largest Empire in the world. Never mind how
we got it. The trouble is that we may not be able to hang on to it much
longer. America is rich and powerful and wants no more additional territory.
You should help us out whenever we get into trouble so that we can continue
to enjoy what we have."
Lord Lothian practically confirmed that message when he wrote in Foreign
Affairs, 1936:
"The situation of the last century cannot be re-created by Great Britain
alone. She is not strong enough. But the United States, tile South American
Republics, and the nations of the modern British Commonwealth could together
re-create it. . . . They also are both democratic and territorially satisfied
. . . ."
And the morning after the Pilgrim dinner a front page headline in the New
York Times read: LOTHIAN ASKS UNITY IN DEMOCRATIC AIMS.
There is something magnetic about the word democratic. It is very dear to
Americans and it means much to them. Once they even went to war . . . "to
make the world safe for democracy." They may again be fooled by an appeal to
democracy. Knowing this, it has become a valuable vehicle for foreign
propagandists, and its real meaning is lost sight of in the confusion. The
Communist Party of America, for instance, has officially adopted democracy in
its Constitution, in its literature, in speeches, and generally as an
appealing propaganda attraction in selling their un-American ideology to the
American people . . . All democratic workers must stick together! It is a
favorite theme with the radical labor wing.
And now we witness the weird spectacle of titled British visitors, from
ambassadors to platform lecturers, using the same tactics in selling their
story ... We great democracies must stand together!
What kind of democracy are we asked to adopt and to defend? The un-American
brand of Marx, of Engels, of Lenin, of Stalin, of the Communist International
... ? Or the democracy of imperialistic Britain, of India, of Ceylon, of
Burma, of Hongkong, of Africa ... ? The democracy of the soap-box orators of
Union Square, or the democracy of the Pilgrim banquets at the best hotels of
London and New York?
Or shall we stand by our own conception of democracy, safe under the
Constitution and the Bill of Rights, which still gives us far more genuine
personal liberty and opportunity than any other people in any other country
of the world? If so, let us not forget that today, more than ever, the price
of our liberty is Eternal Vigilance.
We must keep the bright spotlight of public opinion on all under-cover and
un-American activities so that we may learn the truth and act accordingly.
And, we are entitled to know what the Pilgrim Society is, what it stands for,
and who these powerful Pilgrims are that can call out the great to hear a
British Ambassador expound to Americans the virtues of a United Democratic
Front.
THE PILGRIM SOCIETY originated in London, July 11, 1902, as an Anglo-American
club of important Englishmen and Americans. An American branch was formed
January 13, 1903, at the old Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, New York. Both Societies
are commonly known as The Pilgrims.
An extract of the Pilgrim Constitution reads:
"The object of the Society shall be the promotion of the sentiment of
brotherhood among the nations, and especially the cultivation of good
fellowship between citizens of the United States and its dependencies and
subjects of the British Empire.
"The members shall be citizens of the United States or its dependencies or
subjects of the British Empire, and others prominent for their sympathy with
the objects of the Society, who shall be elected by the Executive Committee
and membership in the London Pilgrims shall ipso facto constitute membership
in the New York Society, and vice versa without additional dues. The
membership shall be limited to nine hundred. The number may be altered by the
Executive Committee."
Nothing is more needed in the world than a "sentiment of brotherhood among
the nations." Nowhere is the promotion of that sentiment more urgently and
desperately needed than in Europe and in Asia. This was so even in 1902. But
the group of eminent men who formed the Pilgrim Society in London did not
step across the English Channel to hold out the hand of brotherhood to the
weary nations of nearby Europe. Instead, they preferred to reach out across
the Atlantic for the special purpose of cultivating "good fellowship" between
leading British and American citizens. This beautiful sentiment rose to a
climax, in 1917, when thousands of American good fellows crossed the Atlantic
to fight other people's battles, and when the United States Treasury opened
wide its purse to the Allies and lent them whatever they wanted. Then, ind
eed, Uncle Sam became the good Knight of the British Empire. But, when the
battle was over . . . over there . . . and when the same Uncle Sam timidly
suggested repayment of some of the billions of dollars of War Debts, he was
immediately dubbed Uncle Shylock by these same Allies. Good fellowship is
difficult to define, like friendship, but whatever the definition is, it
should work both ways.
Who are these good fellows that are so deeply interested in British-American
friendship and in "United Democracy?" They are none other than the nine
hundred of British-American aristocracy. They represent, as a body, the most
powerful combination of men of wealth and influence on both sides of the
Atlantic. They, the Pilgrims' membership in America and Great Britain, have
included and still include men in the highest position in government, in
diplomacy, in finance, in banking, in education, in the church, in
literature, in publishing, in commerce, in industry, in shipping, and in
practically all other important fields of national and international
activities.
The president of the British Pilgrims is His Royal Highness, the Duke of
Connaught, great-uncle of the present King. As Vice Presidents are listed:
The Most Rev. His Grace the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury; the Right Hon.
Viscount Hailsham, P.C.; the Lord Desbrough, K.G., G.C.V.O.; Sir Harry E.
Brittain, K.C., LL.B., O.O.C. The membership of the British Pilgrims reads
like an index to British leadership.
The president of the American Pilgrims is Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler,
president of Columbia University. Dr. Butler has worked long and faithfully
with the British. A United Press dispatch from London, December 6, 1939,
stated: "In the 1940 edition of the British Who's Who, appearing today, the
longest biography is that of Nicholas Murray Butler, president of Columbia
University, who occupies more than a column and a half of small print�the
equivalent of the combined biographies of Mussolini, Hitler, Prime Minister
Chamberlain and President Roosevelt."
Vice Presidents of the New York Pilgrims are:
Herbert L. Satterlee (brother-in-law of J. P. Morgan), James W. Gerard,
G.C.B. (former American Ambassador to Germany), the Rt. Rev. James DeWolf
Perry, Elihu Root (deceased).
The Executive Committee of the New York Pilgrims consists of: Thomas W.
Lamont, Franklin Q. Brown, George W. Burleigh, John H. Finley, Frederic R.
Coudert, Edward F. Darrell, James G. Harbord, K.C.M.G., D.S.M., Theodore
Hetzler, the Rt. Rev. William T. Manning, Gates W. McGarrah, Bryce Metcalf,
Frank L. Polk, William Shields, Myron C. Taylor, Harry Edwin Ward, Charles S.
Whitman, Owen D. Young.
As Honorary Members of the New York Pilgrims are listed: H.R.H. The Prince of
Wales, K.G. H.R.H. The Duke of York, K.G. The British Ambassador to the
United States H.M.'s Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs The Secretary of
State of the United States The British Consul General in New York City.
A few prominent Pilgrim members, past and present, are listed below:
J. P. Morgan J. W. Hill
Russel Leffingwell John F. O'Ryan
Henry P. Davison Frank L. Polk
John W. Davis George R. Goethals
John D. Rockefeller Julius Ochs Adler
Percy Rockefeller Alfred L. Aiken
Ogden Mills Reid Herbert L. Aldrich
Henry Morgenthau John Whitney
Otto Kahn W. B. Whitney
Robert Fulton Cutting Cornelius Vanderbilt
James B. Clews Vincent Astor
John B. Trevor Julius S. Bache
William Fellowes Morgan Robert Low Bacon
Henry W. Taft Ancell H. Ball
Adolph Ochs David H. Biddle
James Speyer Robert W. Bigelow
Charles H. Sabin Irving T. Bush
Sir Ashley Sparks Newcomb Carlton
George F. Trowbridge Joseph H. Choate
Philip Rhinelander William M. Chadbourne
Andrew IV. Mellon Walter P. Chrysler
Albert H. Wiggin Thomas W. Lamont
George F. Baker Edward L. Dodge
John Bassett Moore Frederick H. Ecker
Dwight W. Morrow Harry Harkness Flagler
George W. Wickersham George L. Genung
John George Milburn Walter S. Gifford
Mortimer L. Schiff Cass Gilbert
Paul M. Warburg Edwin H. Gould
Paul Outerbridge Duncan William Fraser
Ivy Lee Robert Erskine Ely
Chauncey Depew Harry Alanzo Cushing
Charles M. Schwab Frederick W. Budd
Frederic R. Coudert Henry Holt
Marshall Field J. G. White
Paul D. Cravath Henry Johnson Fisher
Edward S. Harkness Edward Herrick Childs
Oliver Harriman William Phelps Ely
The present membership in the American Pilgrims, and those who have
passed away, represent the leadership of America, in many important fields.
We find among these a candidate for President of the United States, a Vice
President, Secretary of State, Secretary of the Treasury, Attorney General,
Ambassadors, Solicitor General, Senators and Congressmen; presidents of the
largest banks and finan-cial institutions; presidents and directors of the
United States Steel Corporation and many other large industrial corporations;
of the American Telephone and Telegraph Company; of the Radio Cor-poration of
America; of insurance and shipping companies. Here are also to be found the
members of the leading law firms serving these banks and industries, as well
as the interpreters of international law; editors, publishers and owners of
America's leading newspapers; experts in publicity; social and financial
leaders and generally the group of men whose influence is capable of exerting
great pressure on government and public opinion.
AT THE OUTBREAK Of the present hostilities in Europe, President Roosevelt
expressed himself strongly on the necessity for maintaining our neutrality
and he promised to do all within his power to keep this country out of war.
That is also the great hope and desire of the American people. Ile Pilgrims
and Dr. Butler disagree with this.
At a dinner in New York, at the Biltmore Hotel, February 9, 1928, in
celebration of the Twenty-fifth Anniversary of the Pilgrims, Dr. Butler said
in a speech:
"Among other things the Great War has proved conclusively that in a contest
of those colossal proportions there were no neutrals . . . if the world
should ever again become engulfed in another titanic struggle, there would be
and there could be no neutrals."
At this particular dinner, during which Dr. Butler expressed these sentiments
so contrary to the real hopes and wishes of the American people, three
telegrams were received and read to the celebrating American Pilgrims. One
came from the King of England, one from the uncle of the King, and one from
the Prince of Wales, the future King, now the Duke of Windsor.
The message from King George V was read by Sir Austin Chamberlain:
"The King has pleasure in congratulating the Pilgrims of the United States on
the occasion of their Twenty-fifth Anniversary and His Majesty takes this
opportunity of conveying to them his good wishes for the future."
The future, according to the Pilgrims, does not include neutrality.
The message from the King's uncle, the Duke of Connaught, read:
. . . The cause of promoting cordial friendship between our two great
countries is one on which the future happiness of the world in a great
measure depends. Ever since I have been President of the British Pilgrims I
have realized to the full the success of the work carried on by the two
societies with this common object in view."
Here again we have the same old story, whether it comes from an uncle of the
King, from a British Ambassador, or from a platform lecturer . . . friendship
... two great countries . . . common object. Here democracy was not
mentioned, nor the promotion of brotherhood among the nations.
The message from the Prince of Wales read:
"As a Pilgrim of nearly nine years' standing, I am very glad to send my
Brother Pilgrims in New York my warmest congratulations on the Twenty-fifth
Anniversary of the Club's inception in the United States. There have been
many changes in the world during the past quarter of a century but ties which
unite the Pilgrims on each side of the Atlantic remain firm as ever . . ."
(signed) EDWARD
The British Royal family certainly showed an extraordinary interest in a
group of American citizens, dining in New York. Since that time tremendous
changes have occurred, to Edward personally, as well as to the world, but lie
was right in his prediction that the Pilgrim ties "remain firm as ever."
SINCE WE ARE DINING so exaltedly, let us go to London and look at a dinner at
the Savoy Hotel, April 12, 1917, of the Pilgrims of London "on the occasion
of the entry of the United States into the Great War of Freedom." The guest
of honor was His Excellency, the American Ambassador, Walter Hines Page.
The speeches at that dinner gave a clear expression of the "ties that bind"
the American Pilgrims to London and confirmed Dr. Butler's conviction that
"there were no neutrals" in the World War.
Sir Harry E. Brittain, Chairman:
"I should like to read two cables which have arrived within the last few
minutes from New York. The first is from our good friends and fellow members,
the Pilgrims of America, and it reads as follows:
"At last the Union Jack and the Stars and Stripes are nailed to the same
staff not to come down until the job is done. Our boys in Khaki are anxious
to rub shoulders with yours in France and share your struggle and your
triumph in Freedom's cause. The Pilgrims' dream of 15 years at length has
come to pass. (Signed) George T. Wilson, Chairman." (Loud cheers.)
"The other message is from one who has been frequently and deservedly called
the 'Allies' best friend in America', that very excellent Pilgrim, James M.
Beck. His cable reads:
"Joyous felicitations to the British Pilgrims now assembled to celebrate
unity in blood-brotherhood of English-speaking races. The day which Prussia
did not want has come, when the flags of Great Britain, France and the United
States float together in defense of civilization. All hail the greater
entente which opens a new and more resplendent chapter in the history of our
common race. To all who welcomed me so kindly last summer a cordial greeting
at this great hour. (Signed) James M. Beck." (Loud and prolonged cheers.)
(James M. Beck, prominent attorney, born in Philadelphia, United States
Attorney for Eastern District Pennsylvania; Assistant Attorney General of the
United States, 1900, 1903 ; Solicitor General of the United States,
1921-1925; Member of Congress, 1937.)
Good fellows, these American Pilgrims, or, shall we say, British-Colonials?
The Pilgrims' dream of fifteen years turned into a nightmare for our boys in
khaki but the unity in blood-brotherhood is still the goal of this one-way
friendship between British and American aristocracy.
Viscount Bryce, former British Ambassador to the United States, spoke as
Chairman of the London Pilgrims. May we never have such a speech again. He
said, in part:
"When the United States of America, renouncing the isolation which it had
cherished since the days of Washington, obeyed the supreme call of duty and
set herself in arms beside the free nations of the world in order to save the
future of humanity, she took a step of full solemn significance for all the
ages to come.
"And now, gentlemen, what is America going to do in this war? She is already
doing what those who know her best expected from her. She waited long enough
to be quite satisfied that honor and duty called her to arms. After long
forbearance, when she was satisfied that the German Government was resolved
to persevere with its barbarous and insulting policy, and that the whole
feeling of the nation had been aroused and concentrated as to be virtually un
animous, then America stepped to the front; then she bared her strong arm;
then she began to throw all her resources, all her energy, all her inventive
versatility, into the development of every possible means for the vigorous
prosecution of the war.
"Gentlemen, America is in the war now for all she is worth (hear, hear) and
how much that means those best know who know America best. (cheers.) She will
persevere to the end, for she knows what a successful end means to the future
welfare of the world."
No one knew better than Lord Bryce how much America was worth as an Ally of
Great Britain. With enormous British hypocrisy lie made it appear that
America bared her strong arm to save the future of humanity and the welfare
of the world, when in reality America came to the assistance of only
one-quarter of the world, the British Empire.
Lord Robert Cecil was less diplomatic. Considering that the Pilgrim meetings
in London have almost the status of official functions, owing to the
important attendance, Lord Cecil overstepped the limits of diplomatic decency
when he said at this dinner in honor of the American Ambassador:
"May I add one word about the staff of the American Embassy? (hear, hear)
Many of us have had personal relations of a very friendly kind with several
members of that staff, and they have always preserved the most accurate and
correct neutrality in talking with us�(laughter)�but, somehow or another,
after a conversation with any of them we went away feeling as one does, after
having received a hearty grasp of the hand from a friend and an earnest and
heartfelt wish of Godspeed to our cause. (cheers)
"Well, gentlemen, neutrality is no longer necessary� (hear, hear)�and we all
say . . . Thank God for that." (hear, hear.)
Dr. Butler was right . . . there was no neutrality, not even in the American
embassy before this country went into war. It was a joke to Lord Cecil and
the Pilgrims.
The guest of honor, Walter Hines Page, spoke before this London group of
British-American notables in his capacity as United States Ambassador to
Great Britain, representing the American Government and the American people.
He said, in part:
"As for the particular aspects of this great subject with which this Club has
from its beginning had to do-the closer sympathy of the two branches of the
great English-speaking peoples-next to the removal of the great menace to
free Government, which is the prime purpose of the war, this closer sympathy
will be to us the most important result of the victory. It will be important
not only to us on each side of the Atlantic, but also to all other free
nations."
And then Mr. Page made one of the strangest admissions that any diplomat
could make under the circumstances. It is taken from the Pilgrim records as
are all these quotations.
"Seven years ago an Admiral of our Navy-Rear Admiral Sims �who sits now at
this table, declared in the Guildhall that if ever the English race were
pressed hard for ships. every ship that the United States had would come to
her rescue. A great prophet as well as a great seaman, he has not been
rebuked for that on this side of the water. (cheers)
"For my part, I am stirred to the depths of my nature by this American
companionship in arms with the British and their Allies, not only for the
quicker ending of the war, but, I hope, for a moral union which will bring a
new era in international relations.
"My Lords and gentlemen, your generous and great compliment to me by making
this large gathering in my honour, is your way of expressing appreciation of
the action of the Government and people that I represent and of the President
at whose high command I have the honour to be among you in these historic and
immortal days. I thank you with deep emotion."
It would have been more appropriate for the British to thank Mr. Page, with
or without emotion, and to show their appreciation of America's participation
in the Great War of Freedom in a more substantial manner than by getting
together an imposing array of British notables for a Pilgrim dinner. It is
interesting to note that among those who accepted the invitation of the
Pilgrims to so honor Mr. Page were none other than Neville Chamberlain and
Winston Churchill who are now leading another War of Freedom while the
British Ambassador to Washington is leading another campaign in this country
for . . . Unity of Democracies.
IN THE NATURE of their exclusive membership and activities, the Pilgrims may
be termed the wholesale agency for promoting the interests of Britain in this
country. It is strictly a Tory organization. The retail outlet is the more
widely known English -Speaking Union, which has for its avowed purpose:
"To draw together in the bond of comradeship the English-speaking people of
the United States and of the British Empire by (A) Disseminating knowledge of
each to the other and (B) Inspiring reverence for their common institutions."
It is interesting to note that the English-Speaking Union originated in
London, in the fateful year of 1917, when America bared her strong arm in
defense of democracy. Like the Pilgrims, the E.S.U. has a British
organization with headquarters in London and an American branch with central
offices in New York. The purposes of the two organizations are virtually the
same and there is an interlocking directorate and membership.
The Patron of the English-Speaking Union (London) is His Majesty the King.
The honorary president of the American E.S.U. is the prominent Pilgrim, John
W. Davis, successor to the late Walter I-lines Page as America's wartime
Ambassador to the Court of St. James, presidential candidate in 1924, and
member of J. P. Morgan & Co. As treasurer of the American E.S.U. is listed
Harry P. Davison, also a Morgan partner, whose father was instrumental in
having J. P. Morgan & Co. appointed exclusive purchasing agents for the
British Government in America during the World War. Another director of the
E.S.U. is Major General James G. Harbord, Chairman of the Radio Corporation
of America and also a member of the Executive Committee of the Pilgrims.
As a valuable retail outlet for British propaganda, the English-Speaking
Union of the United States covers this country with branches and
correspondents in the following cities:
Baltimore, Md. New York, N. Y.
Boston, Mass. Minneapolis, Minn.
Buffalo, N. Y. New Orleans, La.
Chautauqua, N. Y. Philadelphia, Pa.
Chicago, 111. Princeton, N. J.
Cincinnati, Ohio Providence, R. 1.
Cleveland, Ohio Richmond, Va.
Columbus, Ohio St. Louis, Mo.
Dallas, Texas Salt Lake City, Utah
Denver, Colo. San Diego, Cal.
Des Moines, Iowa San Francisco, Cal.
Detroit, Mich. Santa Barbara, Cal.
Grinnell, Iowa Savannah, Ga.
Indianapolis, Ind. Seattle, Wash.
Lake Placid, N. Y. Sewanee, Tenn.
Lincoln, Nebr. Spokane, Wash.
Los Angeles, Cal. Tacoma, Wash.
Louisville, Ky. Washington, D.C.
Milwaukee, Wis.
The English-Speaking Union seeks to "draw together in the bond of
comradeship" the people of this country and the
British Empire. But let us not forget that, in 1917, the Pilgrims spoke of
"blood-brotherhood" and "comrades-in-arms." And now, when Britain is again at
war, Sir Evelyn Wrench, C.M.G., LL.D., Chairman of the English-Speaking Union
of London (also a Pilgrim member) addresses his fellow members of the Union
in The English-Speaking World, October, 1939, with the warning call:
"The English-S peaking Union was born twenty-one years ago during the Great
War and it has an even greater function to play in the present crisis. We
know we can count on your support."
THE FOUNDERS of the Republic speak to us today through the immortal words of
George Washington:
" Against the wiles of foreign influence . . . the jealousy of a free people
ought to be constantly awake, since experience and history prove that foreign
influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government."
And yet, such are the times and such are the forces a century and a half
after Valley Forge that many Americans, including many leaders of America,
are advocating policies and ideologies foreign and contrary to the very
fundamentals on which this nation was founded. There is needed a new
Declaration of Independence and a re-dedication of the proven principles of
our form of government.
IN OUR POSITION as a rich and powerful nation we can no longer avoid the
responsibility of leadership in a wilderness of foreign conflict. President
Roosevelt, in his message to Congress, January 2, 1940, said that "in almost
every nation of the world today there is a true belief that the United States
has been, and will continue to be, a potent and active factor in seeking the
re-establishment of peace."
if we are to accept and to act the role of peace-maker, the first requisite
should be to stand before the world with clean hands and a cool head, fair
and impartial to all, and free from any taint of favoritism and prejudice.
Without this we would hold out false hopes to a war-weary world; we would not
be entitled to the respect and cooperation of the embattled nations; the
sincerity of our motives would be justifiably questioned, and we would fail,
to the detriment of all concerned, including ourselves.
As a "potent and active" factor for world peace we cannot in the meantime
accept the one-sided doctrine of "unity between the United States and the
British Empire"; we cannot honestly and decently pose as an impartial apostle
of world peace and at the same time act as the guardian angel of the British
Empire; we cannot look fairly at the world through the meshes of the network
of British propaganda; we cannot again allow our statesmen, our ambassadors,
our leading bankers, lawyers, industrialists, churchmen, educators and
publishers to sway the sentiment of our government and our people in favor of
one side, a foreign side, inherently and basically non-American.
We have before us a costly lesson from the past to the present as a guide to
the future. Let us remember 1914, and not forget in 1940, that a rising tide
of war hysteria completely engulfed our government and our people. The climax
came on April 6, 1917, with an American declaration of war, approved by an
overwhelming majority of a joint session of Congress. Only 56 out of 518
Senators and Representatives voted against war. Of the members of the Senate
only 6 dared cast their votes against the tides of war. One of these few,
Senator Robert La Follette, Sr., addressed the President from the floor of
the Senate with words that might well be repeated 'today:
"There is always lodged, and always will be, thank the God above us, power in
the people supreme. Sometimes it sleeps, sometimes it seems the sleep of
death; but, Sir, the sovereign power of the people never dies. It may be
suppressed for a time, it may be misled, be fooled, silenced. I think, Mr.
President, that it is being denied expression now. I think there will come a
day when it will have expression.
"The poor, Sir, who are the ones called upon to rot in the trenches, have no
organized power, have no press to voice their will on this question of peace
or war; but oh, Mr. President, at some time they will be heard . . . there
will come an awakening; they will have their day and they will be heard. It
will be as certain and as inevitable as the return of the tides, and as
resistless, too."
Today, with a warm heart full of sympathy for all the suffering in the world,
we must firmly maintain our independence of thought and action, free from all
foreign influence and entanglements so that we may think and speak and act as
unimpaired Americans. Only then can we give the best answer to the question
"What is best for America?"
THE END
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