-Caveat Lector-

Talks with Osama bin Laden
by Robert Fisk

http://www.memes.org/article.php?sid=829&mode=&order=0

>From the September 21, 1998 issue of The Nation

The last time I saw Osama bin Laden was in a tent on a
mountaintop camp in Afghanistan last year. A few
meters away was a twenty-five-foot-high air raid
shelter cut into the rock, a relic of bin Laden's days
fighting the Soviet Army, but bombproof against even a
cruise missile. bin Laden had entered the tent in his
white Saudi robes, shaken hands with me and sat
cross-legged on the rug, when he noticed that I had
the latest Beirut daily newspapers in my bag. He
seized upon them and pored over their pages for almost
half an hour, one of his Arab mujahedeen in Afghan
clothes holding a sputtering gas lamp over the papers.
Carefully, bin Laden read the news from Iran, from his
own country, from the Israel-occupied West Bank. Was
it true, he asked me, that Iran was making a
diplomatic d�marche to Saudi Arabia?

As I sat there watching the man who had declared a
"holy war" against the United States a year
earlier--the man who was supposedly the "mastermind of
world terrorism"--I reflected that he didn't seem to
know much about the world he was supposedly
terrorizing. A Saudi who regards the leadership of his
country with contempt, he had told me at a previous
meeting in 1996, "If liberating my land is called
terrorism, this is a great honor for me."

But not as great as the honor bestowed on him by
President Clinton in the aftermath of the American
missile attacks on Sudan and Afghanistan last month.
"America's Public Enemy Number One"--Clinton's
infantile description of bin Laden--must have appealed
to a man whose simple view of the world is as
politically na�ve as it is dangerous. Last year, upon
that remote mountaintop amid the snow--so cold that
there was ice in my hair when I awoke in the tent
before dawn--bin Laden had seemed an isolated, almost
lonely figure, largely ignored by a United States that
was still obsessed with the "evil" Saddam Hussein.

Clinton has changed all that. By endowing bin Laden
with his new title, he has given the Saudi dissident
what he sought: recognition as the greatest enemy of
Western "corruption," the leader of all resistance
against US policy in the Middle East.

It would be funny if it weren't so tragic, the way
America now treats its opponents as if they were
Hollywood bandits. It was Oliver North who branded
Palestinian killer Abu Nidal America's Public Enemy
Number One. Saddam was compared to Hitler, even though
Saddam hero-worships the memory of Stalin. Before
that, when Saddam was one of our guys, busy invading
Iran, we had demonized the Ayatollah Khomeini. Libya's
Muammar el-Qaddafi was described by Ronald Regan as
"that mad dog of the Middle East." Even Yasir Arafat
was a super-terrorist until his support for Saddam
Hussein after the invasion of Kuwait rendered him weak
enough to make peace with Israel--at which point we
turned him in to a super-statesman.



I doubt if Osama bin Laden understands the hierarchy
of US hate figures--or whether he would care if he
did. The Afghan conflict against the Soviets molded
him, taught him the meaning of his religion, made him
think. "What I lived in two years there," he told me,
"I could not have lived in a hundred years elsewhere."
When he brought his 9,000 Arab fighters to support the
Afghans in their conflict against the Soviet
occupation army, hacking out the mountain trails with
his construction equipment, building hospitals and
arms dumps, he became a war hero. Some of his current
Afghan fellow fighters had been trained earlier by the
CIA in the very camps that were the target of the
recent US missiles--but whereas they had been called
camps for "freedom fighters" when US agents set them
up in the early eighties, now they had become camps
for "terrorists." He and his comrades never saw
"evidence of American help" in Afghanistan, he told
me, but he must have been aware of the CIA's presence.


When I first met bin Laden, in the desert north of
Khartoum in 1993 where he was building roads for
isolated villages--and, so the Egyptians were
claiming, training Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak's
Islamist enemies in the same Sudanese desert--I
persuaded him to talk about the effect of the Russian
war.

was under bombardment, but I was so peaceful in my
heart that I fell asleep. This experience has been
written about in our earliest books. I saw a
120-millimeter mortar shell land in front of me, but
it did not blow up. Four more bombs were dropped from
a Russian plane on our headquarters, but they did not
explode. We beat the Soviet Union. The Russians fled.
No, I was never afraid of death. As Muslims, we
believe that when we die, we go to heaven. Before a
battle, God sends us sequina--tranquillity." Here was
a man, then, who felt God protected him. "My fellow
Muslims did much more than I. Many of them died but I
am still alive."

I was myself in Afghanistan in 1980, when bin Laden
arrived there. I still have my reporting notes from
those days. They record Afghan mujahedeen fighters
burning down schools and cutting the throats of Afghan
Communist schoolteachers because the government had
ordered boys and girls to sit together in mixed
classes. In those days, The London Times was calling
them "freedom fighters." Later, when Afghan mujahedeen
shot down an Afghan civilian airliner carrying
forty-nine passengers and five crew members (with a
British-made Blowpipe missile), the same paper called
them "rebels." Oddly enough, the word "terrorists" was
never used--except by the Russians.

In 1996 Sudan expelled bin Laden, partly because of
American pressure--for which the United States has now
rewarded Khartoum with a missile attack--and, stripped
of his passport, he returned to the land where he
fought the Russians. Already, Arabs dressed in Afghan
clothes were fighting the government of Algeria after
Islamists were prevented from winning a general
election. bin Laden regards the Saudi regime as
traitors who sold their birthright when Abdul Aziz Al
Saud failed to apply full Islamic law. "The country
was set up for his family. Then, after the discovery
of petroleum, the Saudi regime found another
support--the money to make people rich and give them
the services and life they wanted and to make them
satisfied." But this was nothing compared with what
happened in 1990.

"When the American troops entered Saudia Arabia [after
Iraq's invasion of Kuwait], the land of the two holy
places [Mecca and Medina], there was strong protest
from the ulema [religious authorities] and from
students of the Shariah law all over the country
against the interference of American troops," bin
Laden said to me in a meeting in Afghanistan in 1996.
"This big mistake by the Saudi regime of inviting the
American troops revealed their deception. They had
given their support to nations that were fighting
against Muslims. They [the Saudis] helped Yemen
Communists against the southern Yemeni Muslims and
helped Arafat's regime fight against Hamas. After it
had insulted and jailed the ulema...the Saudi regime
lost its legitimacy."

His own country still keeps contact directly with bin
Laden, via the Saudi Embassy in Islamabad, Pakistan,
because he has supporters among important figures in
the kingdom--a fact the United States prefers to
ignore. He told me that an emissary from the Saudi
royal family had offered his family 2 billion Saudi
riyals (about $535 million) if he abandoned his "holy
war." He rejected the offer.

Somewhere in the Sudanese desert, bin Laden decided
that if he could drive the Russians out of
Afghanistan, he could drive the Americans out of the
Middle East. He denied to me any involvement in the
1996 bombing of US service personnel at the Khobar
Towers in Saudi Arabia, in which nineteen Americans
died, although he said he knew two of the three young
men later beheaded by the Saudis for the explosion.
"The explosion at Khobar did not come as a direct
result of American occupation but as a result of
American behavior against Muslims," he said. "When
sixty Jews are killed inside Palestine, all the world
gathers...to criticize the action, while the deaths of
600,000 Iraqi children [because of the US sanctions]
did not receive the same reaction. Killing those Iraqi
schoolchildren is a crusade against Islam....
Resistance against America will spread in many, many
places in Muslim countries. Our trusted leaders, our
ulema, have given us a fatwa that we must drive out
the Americans." Because of America's refusal to
acknowledge any reason for the US Embassy bombings in
Kenya and Tanzania--hatred of America, per se, is the
usual explanation--few chose to point out that they
occurred on the eighth anniversary, to the very day,
of the arrival of the first US troops in Saudi Arabia
in 1990.



When I last saw bin Laden, he was still obsessed with
the Israeli massacre of 107 Lebanese refugees
sheltering at the UN camp at Qana in April 1996.
Israel claimed it was a "mistake," the UN conceded
otherwise and President Clinton called it only a
"tragedy"--as if it was a natural disaster. It was,
said bin Laden, an act of "international terrorism."
There must be justice, he said, and trials for the
Israeli perpetrators.

Clinton used almost exactly the same words about bin
Laden and his supporters in August. But the deaf, as
usual, were talking to the deaf.



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