-Caveat Lector-

America in Pakistan

US operations in Pakistan could have far-reaching fallouts.

http://www.indiareacts.com/archivedebates/nat2.asp?recno=278

21 December 2001: Two days ago, an American television channel, ABC
News, revealed that the United States had reached a secret
understanding with Pakistan. Under the deal, US warplanes, special
forces and secret services will target Al-Qaeda terrorists hiding
in madarsas and refugee camps in the North West Frontier Province.
Pakistan will grant permission for such hot pursuits on a
case-to-case basis.

Will America get the Al-Qaeda terrorists? At what cost? What will
be the fallouts in Pakistan, and how will it affect the military
regime of General Pervez Musharraf?

The secret agreement is based on certain obvious fears and
assumptions. The agreement is secret because Pakistan cannot
justify US action in Pakistan to its people. The war in Afghanistan
remains unpopular even though most Pakistanis may not support the
routed Taliban or Al-Qaeda terrorism.

But in the North West Frontier Province, there is widespread
support for the Taliban and Osama Bin Laden. The Frontier people
are Pushtun like the Taliban. They admire Bin Laden. It is
reflected in the fact that thousands of Pushtun tribals left to
fight with the Taliban and scores died in Afghanistan.

And, it is also reflected in the Pakistan army. Middle-ranking
Pushtun officers opposed Pakistan�s support to the US campaign (See
Intelligence, ��Musharraf isolated in supporting US,� 16 September
2001). US intelligence has records of 55 satellite phone calls made
by Al-Qaeda leaders to these Pushtun officers in the army and ISI
at the height of Tora Bora bombing. American officials say that the
army officers could have arranged safe passage for fleeing Al-Qaeda
fighters.

So US hot pursuits in NWFP are likely to provoke the Pushtuns and
create new unrest among Pushtun army officers.

And yet, the secret agreement is based on a thin assumption. The
assumption is that Al-Qaeda terrorists will not venture into other
parts of Pakistan like Punjab or Sind, Baluchistan or
Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. This is based on a view that the
terrorists will find it easier to hide in NWFP because of past
Taliban and tribal associations.

This view is not entirely invalid. But if the Al-Qaeda terrorists
get as good shelter in Punjab or Sind, why won�t they head there?
One likely answer could be to be near the fighting in Afghanistan.
But what is to be gained by that? The Taliban is finished.
Afghanistan couldn�t have been anymore than a base for the
Al-Qaeda. If it must survive to carry on Bin Laden�s vision of the
destruction of the West and world dominance, wouldn�t it cut its
loses and move to safer territory? Why would Al-Qaeda terrorists
remain in NWFP to be targetted by US forces?

If the Al-Qaeda terrorists fan out into rest of Pakistan � if they
haven�t already � there could be hell to pay. They could link up
with such terrorist organisations as the Tehrik-ul-Jaffria located
in Punjab and Sind, the Karachi-based Sipah-e-Sahaba, the
Jaish-e-Mohammad in Punjab and Sind, or the Lashkar-e-Toiba
headquartered in Muridke, Lahore, or the Al-Badr which is small but
deadly.

All these terrorist groups are organically linked to the Al-Qaeda
through Pakistan�s Army of Islam. They have trained their cadres in
Al-Qaeda camps in Afghanistan, received funds from Al-Qaeda, and
according to CIA studies function as Al-Qaeda cells. Osama Bin
Laden financed the December-1999 Indian Airlines flight IC-814
hijacking to get Jaish terrorist leader Masood Azar released from
Indian jail.

And the five Lashkar-e-Toiba and Jaish-e-Mohammad terrorists who
were killed trying to storm Indian Parliament on 13 December seemed
to be financed by Al-Qaeda. Indian investigators say that they made
50-60 20-25-minute international calls revealing their worldwide
connections. �Pakistani terrorists before this have never made so
many international calls,� said an official. �There is a clear
Al-Qaeda link in the 13-December attack.�

The point is that there is little distinction between Al-Qaeda and
the Pakistani terrorist groups. No Al-Qaeda fighter will be refused
shelter by Pakistani terrorist groups. They will not surrender them
without armed resistance.

Before 11 September, the United States could � and would � have
made a deal with these Pakistani terrorist groups. They could
continue their terrorism in Kashmir or on the streets of Karachi if
they gave up the Al-Qaeda terrorists. But the terror attacks in New
York and Washington have proved that Al-Qaeda is a multi-national
terrorist network, not a single ultra outfit with a top, a middle
and a bottom. There can be no question of a deal. If Al-Qaeda has
to be destroyed, the Jaish, LeT, Al-Badr, the Harkat-ul-Mujahideen,
the Tehrik-ul-Mujahideen, and the Sepah-e-Sahaba have to be
destroyed.

This is what it will be if America goes after the Al-Qaeda in NWFP,
and the Al-Qaeda terrorists disappear into the heart of Pakistan.

And with the Jaish-e-Mohammad and the Lashkar-e-Toiba, whose assets
have been frozen by America, US special forces will have to fight a
war. This war will be different from the one fought in Afghanistan.
Afghanistan was no man�s land. Pakistan is a functioning � if only
terrorist � state. It will be an urban guerilla war here.

Can American forces take on Pakistani terrorist groups?

Alongwith the Pakistan army, yes. But will the Pakistani army go
along? It�s hard to say. One view is that it will because it is
committed to the war against terrorism. Going after the Pakistani
terrorist groups to get Al-Qaeda fighters could be justified within
the army as a logical extension of the war against terrorism. This
could be Musharraf�s plank. He could cite the case-by-case
permission to the US forces as reflecting his concern about
American troop presence. And he could win the day by saying that
concessions to the US would strengthen Pakistan vis-�-vis India.

But there is a second view. This is that the war against terrorism
was fine as long as it was restricted to Afghanistan. US military
action inside Pakistan is another matter. It could divide the army.
Musharraf and his current team could be on one side. On the other
could be Pushtun officers troubled by the Afghan campaign and
enraged by US action in NWFP. They could make common cause with the
Punjabi army officers if the terrorist groups they support in
Punjab and Sind are targetted. The Pakistan army is not a terrorist
army. But sections of it have very close links with terrorists, and
they have aided terrorism in Punjab and Kashmir. If US forces
attack the terrorists it supports, Musharraf�s position within the
Pakistan army could become rocky.

The Pakistan army is key to the evolving situation. Both Musharraf
and the US depend on it. Musharraf remains in power because of the
Pakistan army. And the US is using the Pakistan army through
Musharraf to prosecute the war against terror. It is the Pakistan
army that has prevented anti-Americanism from boiling over so far
in Pakistan.

If the interests of Musharraf, the United States and the Pakistani
army clash in the contradictions emerging in Pakistan, America
would stand alone. Today, it hopes to control Pakistan�s
decision-making by taking over the Jacobabad airbase. Without the
backing of the Pakistan army, it would have to deploy an entire
occupation force. The coming days will have to see very calibrated
American action. The war in Afghanistan has spread to Pakistan as
expected.


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