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Peace at any cost is a Prelude to War!

“Allah, there is no strength but your strength. Destroy, therefore, the
Zionist occupation and its helpers and its agents. Destroy the U.S. and its
helpers and its agents. Destroy Britain and its helpers and its agents.
Prepare those who will soon unite the Muslims of the world and march in the
footsteps of Saladin. Allah, we ask you for forgiveness, forgiveness before
death, and mercy and forgiveness after death. Allah, grant victory to Islam
and the Muslims in the coming war.”

What Freud might have described as “self-hating,” Muslims commit overt and
bloody atrocities against non-Muslims (but other Muslim sects will suffice if
there are no Jewish or Christian targets in the vicinity), and then claim
innocence – that they are being discriminated against, or that there is a
vast anti-Islamic conspiracy.  Bin Laden and other Muslim terrorists could
have given German Nazi propaganda chief Joseph Goebbels lessons about the
“big lie.”

The terror attack on Sept. 11 is an obvious case in point, where Muslims
screamed that “Jews” were behind the attacks to defame Islam. A short time
later, Muslim gunmen from the “Army of Omar” shot and killed 16 innocent
Christians who were praying in their church in Bahawalpur, Pakistan.
Pakistani officials (our “allies”) claimed it was the work of Western
influence in an attempt to defame Muslims. They attack and murder those who
do not accept their narrow view of the world, but when called to account for
their crimes, they claim it is plot to defame Islam! This goes beyond craven
cowardice.

There is no way to know how many people the Taliban murdered in the Kabul
soccer stadium, and elsewhere in Afghanistan, in the name of Islam.

Thousands of Christians have been brutally murdered in Nigeria in the name of
Islam. One man, a 26 year-old former Muslim who had not only had the audacity
to convert to Christianity, but had become an ordained Catholic priest, was
attacked, had his eyes gouged out and was left on the road to die. Nigerian
journalist Ulanugu Eneh wrote, “The greatest threat to Nigeria as a nation as
presently constituted is Islamic extremism.”

The Sudan has seen war and famine for generations, but in the past 20 years,
almost 2 million Christians and Animists have been murdered in the name of
Islam. In Algeria, some 100,000 people have died in the name of Islam,
including the murder of Bishop Clavier and the beheading of seven Trappist
monks. In Yemen, Catholic nuns were murdered, in the name of Islam. In Egypt,
the recipient of a billion U.S. tax dollars every year, a reign of terror
exists against Coptic Christians and other non-Muslims – again in the name of
Islam.

Saudi Arabia, another supposed Arab ally, is listed by the U.S. State
Department as not allowing religious freedom. Christians there are flogged,
imprisoned and executed by a government that prevents non-Muslim worship,
even in the privacy of a home – also in the name of Islam. In the
Philippines, the Abu Sayyaf organization, with ties to bin Laden’s Al Queda
network, have tortured and murdered priests and other Christians, have taken
hostages and defaced churches, all in the name of Islam.

In a recent article, British journalist Paul Johnson argued the West has
evolved because it has grown and learned from mistakes, based on the secular
rule of law, which has allowed society to grow and in which democracy and
liberty take root, therefore wealth flourishes.  He argues, “All the systems
of the world, notably the Japanese, the Chinese, and the Indian, have learned
much from the West in turn, and benefited thereby. The Islamic world has been
the least willing to adopt the West’s fundamental excellences. This is why it
remains poor (despite its wealth of raw materials), unfree, and unhappy.”

Again, as Freud might point out, based on this have-not mentality, Islamic
fundamentalism is bent on destroying, rather than learning from, the West.
However, before the Ayatollah Khomeini returned to Iran and initiated the
Islamic revolution, Middle Eastern terrorists were politically motivated by
Marxist-Leninist ideology, rather than Jihad. Arab/Muslim terrorists have
attacked Western infrastructure since the 1960s, when Yasir Arafat was still
identified as a terrorist with the Fatah organization and Arab terrorists
were hijacking and blowing up planes to achieve their objectives.

As Islam is more a way of life than a religion, however, the fervor of the
Islamic revolution has replaced stale Marxist-Leninist ideology. The rise of
Islamic fundamentalism captured the existing fervor and convinced many
Muslims that secular revolution was passé, while becoming martyrs for Islam
carries with it much more value for self and family. Also, as a matter of
practicality, those holding the power over these “martyrs,” like bin Laden,
are assured that the death toll among “infidels” is much greater when a
martyr blows himself up amid a group of unsuspecting civilians, than a
Marxist-Leninist who wants to live and fight again.

Given this bleak picture of a worldwide religion that refuses to learn from
the West, but rather wishes to destroy it, a major concern is the ongoing
migration of millions of Muslims westward, outwardly seeking a better life
for themselves and their families – but is that their only motive?

When loyalty is first and foremost to their religion, just how loyal are
Muslims to their adopted countries when a Jihad is called? A poll conducted
in Britain showed that over two thirds of Muslims there said their Muslim
faith was more important to them than their British citizenship. As a country
with a large number of Muslim residents, and the victim and target of Muslim
terror, the United States needs to take note.

In a country based on laws, equality and social justice, there is no room for
blind bigotry and prejudice against Muslims living here. However, as has been
identified many times since 9-11, most of the 19 Muslim hijackers were either
legally living in, or had legally entered, the United States. Until loyalty
is established, there needs to be greater security, scrutiny and vigilance,
particularly while we are engaged in a war against Muslim terrorists who may
use dirty nuclear, biological and chemical weapons without concern for
innocent lives.

If saving American lives and infrastructure means covert surveillance,
profiling and questioning, so be it. Until otherwise shown, Americans need to
be on guard and aware of the potential of terrorists in their midst. And
Muslims in this country need to be on notice that their loyalty is in
question until proven otherwise. The risks are too high to have it any other
way.

Patrick Hayes is a contributing editor to DefenseWatch. He can be reached at
[EMAIL PROTECTED]

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ARTICLE 04 – U.S. Military Success: Beyond a ‘Hyperpower’

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By David Warren



In a sense, Afghanistan has been a "classic" colonial war. The United States
has been sparing of its own troops, instead taking sides and choosing local
allies as its proxies, while using its own incontestable technological
superiority to help them quickly win.



The resemblance to the way the British took India in the 18th and 19th
centuries – one tribal patch or princely state at a time – ends there. The
Americans have no long-term plans to rule the place, and are happy to let
anyone else send “peacekeepers."



This is what the Europeans and Canadians turn out to be good for, this time
around. We have the equipment, the manpower, and the budgets, to do sentry
duties. (As a retired Canadian officer told me after the federal budget was
tabled on Dec. 10, "It's all very well for the Americans to spend a fortune
on defence, they have to defend the free world from terrorism. We only have
to defend our own smugness.")



Except for the most elite British special forces – a small handful of men –
help would just get in the Yankees' way.



Moreover, the two percent or less of the West's Afghan campaign that was
offloaded on the British (and a few French special forces, too), was
essentially unnecessary. The help was accepted as a political favor, in
answer to British and French supplications.



This was probably made clear when the British defence secretary, the
aptly-named Geoff Hoon, told BBC breakfast television Dec. 9 that if Osama
bin Laden fell into British hands, he would not be turned over to the U.S.
for trial – unless the U.K. first received assurances that Osama would not
face the death penalty. I would have liked to be a fly on the line when
George Bush called Tony Blair about that one. I doubt we'll be hearing
anything so unctuous from Mr. Hoon again.



Offers of British and other NATO aircraft were politely declined. They have
inferior equipment and pilots, and as the U.S. learned over Serbia, you can't
really fight a war while waiting for 19 different defense ministers to sign
off on each target.



What has changed, in the last decade, and especially in the last two years
(the technological developments since the Balkan campaign in 1999 were
greater than those between that and Desert Storm in 1991), is the status of
the United States as a military power.



At the beginning of the 1990s, after the fall of the Soviet Union, the U.S.
emerged as the world's only superpower. Now it has become what the French
call a “hyperpower". It is not only at the top of the international "top ten"
in military spending. It outspends the other nine, combined, and can afford
to, given the present scale of the U.S. economy. Not the British, at the
height of their empire, nor even the Romans, contesting with distant Medes
and Parthians, enjoyed such military predominance.



And yet, this quantitative comparison actually understates the U.S.
advantage. For there is a real qualitative difference, not only in American
equipment, but in the skills of its troops. The Pentagon made use of the
contractions in general manpower through the 1990s, and applied the "peace
dividend" to hone a much more skilled and variously specialized fighting
force. The U.S. does not employ "grunts" anymore, only soldiers who call
themselves "grunts" with a certain droll pride.



At the officer level, Europeans visiting the American military academies have
been tremendously impressed by what they have seen, over the last decade. And
one may see this for oneself by visiting the various institutions on the
Internet. Unlike his European or Canadian opposite number, the contemporary
West Point or Naval War College graduate is familiar with Thucydides,
Machiavelli, Clausewitz, Fuller, Liddell Hart – and with Sun Tzu and Mao-tse
Tung for that matter.



Nor is it just a showy "book-learning," for the courses are designed to make
the students apply what they study, consistently and imaginatively, to the
circumstances the U.S. might face today. I have myself been tremendously
impressed to read theses posted here and there on the net, by young cadets
who could obviously skate rings around your average "politically correct"
humanities professor.



On the ground level, in Afghanistan, it has become increasingly evident that
the U.S. was able to parachute troops who could speak Pashto, Persian,
Arabic, Urdu. They needed these both for making contacts with potential
allies, and for interrogating prisoners who fell into their hands. They could
also use translators effectively (this is actually a skill), as well as ride
fast horses and put pack mules to work carrying high-tech gear.



A remarkable interview which The Washington Post obtained with Capt. Jason
Amerine, an injured member of the U.S. Army's 5th Special Forces Group on his
sickbed in Landstuhl, Germany – gives some hint of the ground capabilities.
This was the unit that went into the mountains of Oruzgan to rendezvous with
Hamid Karzai, now Afghanistan's prime minister-designate. (They didn't need
Pashto because he speaks fluent English.)



In five short weeks, this little vanguard of less than a dozen men, mostly in
their mid-twenties, were able to recruit and organize and (through air drops)
equip an Afghan fighting force that liberated the provincial capital, then
marched on Kandahar. They also ordered and set up distribution for emergency
food and medical supplies for the civilian population, while calling down
airstrikes on a Taliban convoy and other positions, almost in their spare
time.



"We could go in there naked with flip-flops, and as long as we have good
radios we could do our job," Capt. Amerine said of their survival training.
His unit made up for unfamiliarity with the local physical and cultural
landscape with a crash course in Pashtun anthropology in the days before
going in.



Hunks, yes, but these are nothing like Europe's idea of "GIs." Indeed, the
U.S. Marine Corps general force now camping in the Rigestan desert are
probably up

to the special forces calibre of a generation ago.



Technology plays no small part. Some 91 per cent of munitions the U.S. has
dropped in Afghanistan have been pinpoint targeted – compared with six
percent on Iraq. Even gravity bombs dropped from B-52s can now be placed
within a few meters of the crosshair, thanks to advances in computer
calculation. And yet the "garage workshop" spirit is kept alive with the
invention of weapons like the "Daisy Cutter" – hand-made with old-fashioned
welding tools, and perhaps the most awkward-looking 15,000-pound explosive we
shall ever see (it resembles the water-tanks on the roofs of old New York
City apartment buildings).



The U.S. armed forces are thus not only strong, but extremely adaptable. Yet
even this is to understate the U.S. advantage, for it is likely to grow in
the coming years.



Prior to Sept. 11, the U.S. defense secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, was fighting
a nearly impossible uphill battle against Congress to transform the whole
organizational structure of the U.S. military. His goals are to eliminate
unnecessary bureaucracy, replace surviving conventional with many more
special forces, and vastly increase the capacity of the military to respond
to unexpected threats, or recover quickly from unexpected hits. The terrorist
strikes on New York and Washington, and his performance since, have
vindicated his position, and the overhaul is now proceeding.



The French may have to invent a word for what comes after a "hyperpower."



© 2001 Ottawa Citizen, reprinted with permission. Other articles by David
Warren can be read at his website, www.davidwarrenonline.com.




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