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from the May 22, 2002 edition - http://www.csmonitor.com/2002/0522/p01s04-
wome.html

How Israel builds its fifth column

Palestinian collaborators face mob justice, and fuel a culture of suspicion

By Catherine Taylor | Special to The Christian Science Monitor

JERUSALEM - Hani knew it was wrong.

But the young Palestinian says he couldn't resist the woman who seduced him in a
field near his house two years ago. And he never suspected what was to come.

In the middle of the tryst, the couple was ambushed by Israeli security agents who
told Hani (not his real name) that his wife would be informed of the infidelity unless
he cooperated. He says he now suspects he was set up, but he admits he was an
easy target � wanted for a raft of petty crimes and a wallet full of fake identity 
cards.
Within days he had agreed to trade his freedom for life as a collaborator.

Across the West Bank and Gaza Strip many thousands of Palestinians like Hani
have been successfully coopted as informers. Precise numbers of those on Israel's
payroll are unknown but figures of up to 15,000 have been suggested by human
rights groups.

Israel's use of informants has prevented numerous suicide bombings. Yet in addition
to enhancing Israeli security, collaboration has also developed a culture of suspicion
such that anyone who runs a successful business or has access to hard-to-get
permits is often suspected.

In Hani's case, the motivation was fear, not greed. "I agreed to work with them in
return for clemency," he says. "I agreed to help them solve cases involving theft and
drug dealing."

Last year Hani says his Israeli supervisor contacted him and asked that he watch two
men from his West Bank village � one a member of Hamas, and the other from
Fatah. "I didn't want to do it but he said that he merely wanted to know their
movements," Hani says. "I gave away extensive information about them. But fear
came over me that they planned to do more than just monitor them. I saw on
television how Israel was assassinating people and how they went after them
methodically. I came to the conclusion I was helping this to happen and I ran away."

Hani's odd behavior was noted by Palestinian police, who arrested him. He says it
was a relief to escape "this deep hole I had gotten myself into. I confessed
everything. I spoke faster than my interrogator could write."

A crucial role

Since the 1993 Oslo Accords, that transferred chunks of the Occupied Territories to
Palestinian Authority control, the recruitment of collaborators has become a crucial
plank of Israel's security apparatus. The role begins simply � passing details of a
neighbor's car number plate or place of work. As collaborators are drawn more
deeply into the system they may be asked to infiltrate the highest levels of militant
and political groups or set up targets for arrest and assassination. Israel has stepped
up its policy of targeted assassination during this intifada, typically using
collaborators to arrange the hit, as they did with Hani.

"Where would Israel be without collaborators?" asks Moshe Kuperburg, a former
agent with Shin Bet, Israel's internal security service, who recruited and ran a
network of informers in the West Bank before retiring in 1999. "It's simple. We'd be
up [a] creek."

Incursion as recruitment drive

Saleh Abdul Jawwad, head of the political science department at Bir Zeit University
near Ramallah, believes collaborator recruitment was one aim of Israel's recent
offensive in the West Bank. Hundreds of Palestinian men were rounded up. The
declared goal was to root out the militants among them, but Mr. Jawwad says during
interrogation many were offered opportunities to collaborate.

"In most countries you are detained or imprisoned because you do something wrong,
or plan to," he says. "Here almost the entire adult male population has been through
this experience. I see it as a kind of refinery for producing collaborators."

Hani's story is backed up by research from human rights organizations including
Israeli human rights group B'tselem and Palestinian Human Rights Monitoring Group
(PHRMG).

Both have recorded testimonies from those with criminal records detailing how they
were offered freedom in exchange for information. Others were shown photographs
of female relatives undressing in fashion store changing rooms, and told the images
would be circulated unless they agreed to collaborate. "There are many taboos in
Palestinian society that create opportunities to pressure people into collaboration,"
says Jawwad.

'Sophisticated methods'

Mr. Kuperburg, a wiry, energetic man with a wide smile and ready charm, says his
methods were more sophisticated, centered on disillusioning young militants against
the organizations they joined by pointing out inconsistencies in the extremist 
rhetoric,
or the failure of the groups to achieve the Palestinian state they claimed to be 
fighting
for.

Others were convinced by Kuperburg they could better help their people by working
for Israel because of access to credentials that allowed freedom of movement
through the occupied territories.

"[Successful recruitment] is about confidence building," Kuperburg says. "The
collaborator must understand why they are working with us. We are professional and
they collaborate because we tell them the truth. If I want an 18-year-old to
collaborate, he must believe we have common understanding. I will tell him that I
also want to prevent bloodshed. With time, he will see that I am honest."

If all fails, there is always money: "I make sure they know we are generous," he says.

Kuperburg, a secular Jew who speaks fluent Arabic and was trained to impersonate
a Palestinian using the undercover name "Musa," often targeted junior members of
militant organizations. "Someone who is a good student, a moderate, we will leave
him alone," he says. "But if he is radical, we can tell him he is living in a dream.
Sometimes even if he does not become a collaborator the conversation can prevent
a future attack."

Collaboration 101

The process can take as little as an hour, or many months of work. Kuperburg � who
says he counts Palestinians among his friends and endorses a two-state solution to
the conflict � teaches the new recruit how to avoid detection.

Tell no one, he cautions, not even your mother, and spend the money you receive
frugally to avoid suspicion. Kuperburg also promises protection inside Israel if the
collaborator is discovered.

Kuperburg says Shin Bet runs entire neighborhoods of former collaborators who
have been assigned new identities. "We also send some overseas," he adds. But
this protection is typically reserved for high-ranking informers. Disgruntled
collaborators who worked on the lower rung of the system claim Israel should do
more to protect them. Some are preparing a legal case against the Jewish state.

The Palestinian Authority has been strongly criticized for the way it deals with the
issue. Human rights groups are concerned that those labeled collaborators are
denied fair trials. Military courts are convened quickly, and justice dispensed just as
fast.

"There are many questions concerning the degree to which the State Security Courts
respect the right to a fair trial, and it is doubtful that justice will truly 
prevail," the
Palestinian Centre for Human Rights in Gaza (PHRMG) says in its latest report on
the subject, published in February. "Suspected collaborators should be held
accountable for their actions," says Raji Sourani, director of the PHRMG. "But they
should receive fair trials, not state security trials. I am against any form of 
military
court."

Revenge, swift and imprecise

But the problem is not limited to sham trials. During the first intifada, which began 
in
1987, about 1,000 Palestinians died in fighting with Israeli soldiers and settlers.
Research by PHRMG suggests a similar number were killed by their own people
under suspicion of collaboration but just 45 percent of those killed were rightfully
accused.

Many suspected collaborators are simply gunned down in the street by vigilante
groups. The PA turns a blind eye. The label is sometimes used as an excuse for
extra-judicial killing designed to settle old scores.

The tactics contravene agreements signed by the PA. Oslo II, for example, states,
"Palestinians who have maintained contact with the Israeli authorities will not be
subjected to acts of harassment, violence, retribution, or prosecution."

Yet it goes on. Last month, three men were shot in the center of Ramallah by
masked attackers. The families of those killed this way are afraid to speak out. "The
families of suspected or alleged collaborators suffer from social ostracism
sometimes with serious economic consequences," says the PHRMG report.
"Neighbors and relatives no longer come to visit. Children are isolated at school and
their trauma affects their school performance. Young men and women cannot marry
since no family wants to be related to a collaborator's family."

Hani, now in jail, may have escaped alive from his life as a collaborator, but he says
his deeds have ruined his future. "I can't look at my wife in the eye," he says. "If I
ever get out of jail I will leave immediately without seeing anyone. My life here has
come to an end."

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Copyright 2002 The Christian Science Monitor. All rights reserved.
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